Winning a House seat representing Delaware, 34-year-old McBride became the first openly transgender person elected to Congress, just four years after the Democrat was elected as the nation鈥檚 first transgender state senator. Groundbreaking in any year and especially one in which conservatives regularly attacked the transgender community, McBride鈥檚 victory also marked a major win for a multimillion-dollar campaign 鈥� launched by school shooting survivor David Hogg 鈥� to elect young lawmakers to state and national office. 

鈥淔rom the youngest-ever Senator to the first Trans member of Congress, Delaware knows what young leaders can accomplish when given a chance, just look at Joe Biden,鈥� Hogg posted on X, commenting on how the 81-year-old president was first in 1972 just days before his 30th birthday. 

After Hogg survived the 2018 school shooting in Parkland, Florida, which killed 17 of his classmates and educators, he became a formidable up-and-comer in Democratic politics, turning his attention to helping elect Gen Z and millennial Democrats. His latest effort is , a political action committee formed in 2023 that raised nearly $8.5 million as of September to elevate the campaigns of McBride and a dozen other young candidates. 

鈥淟eaders We Deserve is proud to say that Sarah will be our first endorsee elected to Congress,鈥� Hogg wrote. 

Beyond McBride鈥檚 high-profile win, candidates endorsed by Hogg鈥檚 PAC saw mixed results 鈥� with more defeats than victories. Of a dozen candidates offered campaign cash and boots-on-the-ground voter outreach by Leaders We Deserve, five won their races and seven lost.

They include the successful campaign of a seventh-grade math teacher in Atlanta, the defeat of a former Miss Texas who campaigned for a state House seat on a gun control platform, and the setback encountered by a 28-year-old mother who launched her Tennessee House of Representatives campaign after the state denied her access to an abortion. 

Leaders We Deserve has pumped millions of dollars 鈥� and resources from Democratic power players 鈥� into the campaigns of young candidates who support progressive causes like gun control, reproductive rights and protecting public school funding. The PAC didn鈥檛 respond to requests for comment. 

Other Leaders We Deserve-endorsed candidates who beat their GOP opponents include Dante Pittman, to the North Carolina General Assembly helped Democrats break a Republican supermajority. In Hogg鈥檚 home state of Florida, U.S. Rep. Maxwell Frost 鈥� who at 27 became the first member of Gen Z to serve in Congress 鈥� bid with nearly of the vote.

In Georgia, middle school math teacher Bryce Berry who switched from Democrat to Republican last year after breaking from party ranks to support private school vouchers. In Ohio, Democrat Christine Cockley easily Republican rival Hussein Jabiri. 

The seven candidates who did not prevail include Kristian Carranza, whose campaign for in the Texas House of Representatives in Leaders We Deserve support before losing in a tight race to Republican rival and incumbent state Rep. John Lujan. In another competitive race in Texas, Republican Rep. Angie Chen Button won her to the Texas Legislature, defeating Democrat Averie Bishop. 

In Pennsylvania, former teacher and longtime Republican state Rep. Joe Emrick , defeating Leaders We Deserve-endorsed Democrat Anna Thomas, whose campaign centered on bolstering school funding. Republican Mike Sparks, who has served in the Tennessee House of Representatives since 2010, Democrat Luis Mata.

In another Tennessee House race, Republican Jeff Burkhart in a closely watched contest against Democrat Allie Phillips, who said she was forced to go out of state to terminate a nonviable pregnancy because of Tennessee鈥檚 strict abortion laws. After defeating the Leaders We Deserve-endorsed Phillips, Burkhart said his campaign was about 鈥渇ighting California, New York and everyone else.鈥� 

Nate Douglas, a 23-year-old University of Florida graduate, failed in his bid to oust Republican Florida Rep. Susan Plasencia. The Douglas campaign on get-out-the-vote efforts among college students. 

In Georgia, Republican state Sen. Shawn Still was , defeating Democrat Ashwin Ramaswami by 7 percentage points. Ramaswami, 25, was still in law school when he decided to campaign against Still, who in 2023 who were indicted alongside President-elect Donald Trump on allegations of conspiring to overturn Trump鈥檚 2020 presidential election defeat in the state. 

After Trump regained control of the White House and Republicans swept into elected office in races across the country, Hogg turned to X to reiterate his argument that new, young voices are more critical than ever. 

鈥淭ime for some big changes to the Democratic Party,鈥� he wrote.

鈥淒emocrats would be wise to reclaim the issue of K-12 education, starting with a recognition that the United States has long been falling behind international competitors and suffered another blow with COVID. They might consider a multipronged approach at both the state and federal levels.鈥�

Rubin鈥檚 argument is intuitive: there鈥檚 that the pandemic left U.S. kids reeling. There鈥檚 also proof that American families are about their kids鈥� and progress. 

As kids struggle, as parents and caregivers fret, some prominent conservatives are currently exploring whether public schools can be meaningfully improved if we give enough families public for private schools and/or if we can figure out precisely which books to ban. These are not serious responses to the problems 鈥� and anxieties 鈥� most American families face. Democrats would benefit if they offered something more substantive than this low bar. 

But what? Rubin suggests a three-pronged framework. Democrats should: 

1. Push for significant education funding increases 
2. Pay teachers better and hold teacher-candidates in training to higher standards 
3. Decentralize more decision-making authority to school districts who are willing to draft innovative plans for reaching 鈥渢he goal of educational excellence, mastery of subject matter and parental satisfaction.鈥�

It鈥檚 a reasonable starting point. . Teacher pay is low, , and it hasn鈥檛 increased enough . U.S. teacher training programs are not particularly effective, when it comes to candidates to . 

The educational benefits of decentralization are less obvious: U.S. history is pretty clear that local control of schools often sustains inequities and fosters civil rights abuses. Absent top-down pressure to focus on equity, () decisionmakers regularly to decisions that are convenient, comfortable and bad for historically marginalized communities. 

Funding inequities generally thrive under . The erosion of federal pressure to integrate schools gave local authorities room to resegregate schools through , and other surreptitious changes. Combine these trends, and it鈥檚 easy to see how funding inequities are systemically racialized鈥攊t鈥檚 easier to underfund children of color鈥檚 educational opportunities when Black and brown children have been concentrated into segregated campuses. 

Still, there鈥檚 some promise in a governance approach along the lines that Rubin suggests: giving local authorities more room to innovate on process while holding them accountable for showing evidence of academic improvement. 

But wait. Does that idea sound familiar? It should. Arne Duncan, President Obama鈥檚 first secretary of education, as 鈥渢ight on goals, loose on means.鈥� This 鈥渢ight-loose鈥� approach is also a key facet of the public charter school model . 

This is the trouble with the opportunity that Rubin outlines: her 鈥渘ew鈥� education platform for Democrats sounds an awful lot like the () education reform movement. The playbook sounds a whole lot like Duncan鈥檚 old reform one: with tighter goals and more flexibility for how schools and districts reach them.聽

Same goes for Rubin鈥檚 push to raise teacher pay and standards鈥攖hat鈥檚 an echo of core reform initiatives like . And the reformers over at have been pushing to improve teacher preparation programs for years. 

Say it plain: that鈥檚 why Democrats will struggle to as a political issue. Even though education reform is politically stalled after a decade of criticism 鈥攁nd the utterly toxic embrace of and Donald Trump 鈥� there鈥檚 no alternative, actionable progressive slate of ideas to improve schools. 

It鈥檚 true that Democratic policymakers have some education policy ideas. and other blue places have launched models for community schools offering 鈥渨raparound鈥� social services like health, nutrition, dental and career-training services. Early education investments like universal pre-K remain popular with progressives (and several conservatives). 

But none of these progressive ideas provide a theory of action to address unfairness and dysfunction in K鈥�12 schools. They鈥檙e all 鈥淰ery Good Things鈥� with solid evidentiary support from prior studies (and support from reformers like Duncan and Rhee, incidentally). They just don鈥檛 address the core challenge of improving 鈥� you might even say, 鈥�reforming鈥濃�� the foundations of elementary and secondary education in the United States. 

Why is this so difficult? It鈥檚 partly because reform鈥檚 ideas aren鈥檛 as substantively useless as their political unpopularity suggests. For all the angry about standardized tests, for instance, they generate data that protect and provide key proof points for lawsuits identifying how states鈥� or districts鈥� school funding choices harm families of color. 

The real reason that progressives can鈥檛 quit reform, though, is that we haven鈥檛 yet figured out how to dissolve a core tension in our public education thinking. On the one hand, progressives have grown 鈥� correctly 鈥� suspicious of the structural biases built into public systems. On the other hand, progressives are prone to waxing nostalgic about the fragile, diminishing greatness of American public schools. Many of us tend to imagine that this system was, at some point before No Child Left Behind or Teach For America or the Reagan administration, etc., a shining exemplar of democratic investment in fairness and social mobility. 

This tension makes progressives stalwart defenders of public education as a concept, so much so that we generally resist efforts to substantially overhaul its governance as “attacks on public education.” But it鈥檚 also clear that the long history of American public education is saturated with examples of schools replicating and amplifying social inequities. Some of the most sacred elements of American public education have reliably served as toxic firewalls against progress towards racial justice in the United States. 

To move beyond education reform, progressives need to face this uncomfortable incoherence in our thinking. Our post-reform public education platform can鈥檛 just be about adding grades in the early years and enveloping K鈥�12 schools with more social services. Sure, public schools could use deeper resources and broader systems of support. But many of the central mechanisms of the K鈥�12 system are themselves unfair against communities of color, low-income families, linguistically diverse children and other historically marginalized groups. Schools won鈥檛 serve those students better without being made to do so. 

If Democrats want the political benefits of credibility on public education, they need to center, and solve for, those inequities. And if their best proposals for doing so keep circling back to education reform ideas, perhaps that鈥檚 a hint that they abandoned that movement too early. 

Dr. Conor P. Williams is a senior fellow at The Century Foundation and a partner at the Children’s Equity Project. He is also a working father with three kids. These views are his alone, and are not necessarily shared by his employers鈥攐r his kids.