Republican candidates vying for the top spot in state government gave their plans to transform education on all levels for Iowa students during a gubernatorial debate Tuesday evening, claiming leftist indoctrination starts with teacher education before making its way into classrooms and parents need more control.

Hosted by conservative organization Moms for Liberty and moderated by the organization鈥檚 CEO Tina Descovich and WHO NewsRadio Host Simon Conway, the debate also touched on topics like Iowans鈥� health, the absence of one of the candidates, U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra, and more.

Candidates agreed that both education and higher education in Iowa need to be reformed, with eastern Iowa farmer and businessman saying the issue needs to be framed as a 鈥済enerational fight for the institutions in our society.鈥� He and other candidates pointed at 鈥渢he left鈥� as targeting education to indoctrinate children, something Lahn said they have been 鈥渢remendously successful鈥� at.

Lahn is running on an 鈥淚owa first鈥� agenda, with a focus on education, border security and supporting farms. The Republican candidate has not held political office but worked previously for a Colorado state senator, Republican campaigns in Iowa and conservative political advocacy group Americans for Prosperity.

鈥淧ublic school is to promote civic virtue, to understand the principles of faith in our country and our culture, and that鈥檚 what it will be when I am governor,鈥� Lahn said.

Brad Sherman, a Republican state representative from 2023-2025, businessman and faith leader, said the 鈥渃oncept of God鈥� needs to be put back in schools, and putting the Ten Commandments in classrooms is a good place to start. God gave children to their parents and not the state, Sherman said, and parents should have complete control.

Sherman states on his campaign he is committed to 鈥渞estoring adherence to the Constitution and restoring the foundational principles that made America a great nation and Iowa a great state.鈥�

Parental rights were a focus for both Moms for Liberty and the candidates, with each candidate offering their support of parents deciding where and what their students learn. Rep. Eddie Andrews, R-Johnston, touted his authorship of parental rights legislation, which includes rights he said everyone agreed on until 鈥渢hree seconds ago.鈥� Parents have the 鈥渇undamental right to raise their children in education,鈥� he said.

Andrews also suggested doing away with the current common core education rules and restoring state-specific education standards, including adding phonics, where the association between spoken and written sounds is taught, to classrooms.

The five priorities listed on Andrews鈥檚 website include eliminating property taxes and combating inflation, parental rights in education, defending landowners and private property, championing mental health and health care freedom and protecting 鈥渓ife, liberty and traditional values.鈥�

Former Iowa Department of Administrative Services director Adam Steen said during the debate funding of public schools isn鈥檛 the problem but ideology is, as well as the 鈥渄ownright evil鈥� requirements being pushed on students.

鈥淭he line鈥� for Steen was when his son鈥檚 teacher asked them to purchase a book titled 鈥淛acob鈥檚 New Dress,鈥� about a boy who begins to wear a dress to school. Teachers are sometimes forced to incorporate materials like these into classrooms, he said, adding he believes schools should instead teach real-world skills, vocational studies and industrial arts.

鈥淚 believe that this isn鈥檛 on the backs of teachers, it鈥檚 on the backs of those that are putting these standards upon our teachers and forcing it down our children鈥檚 throats,鈥� Steen said.

Steen described himself at the launch for his gubernatorial run as 鈥渢he faith guy,鈥� as well as a 鈥淢ake America Great Again guy.鈥� The Republican resigned from his position in August in order to enter the race and states on his campaign he is pro-life, pro-Iowa, pro-property rights and pro-family.

Branching off from school choice for parents, Steen said schools should have a say in how teachers are trained. Universities should offer degree tracks in 鈥渃lassical education鈥� for students, he said, and universities should not promote diversity, equity and inclusion.

Sherman suggested that teachers be given some form of test to ensure they can 鈥渄o the job鈥� while not needing to go through traditional university training.

Lahn said the value proposition of a college education is 鈥渄ecreasing precipitously,鈥� with schools talking to students about postsecondary options other than attending a university.

Universities are 鈥渄igging their own grave鈥� while getting a lot of money from the state, and Lahn proposed overturning the Iowa Board of Regents and pulling funding from universities that refuse to stop teaching 鈥渨oke indoctrination.鈥� He said he would give the money instead to veteran support programs he pitched during the debate, such as trade schools and farm programs.

Iowa鈥檚 medical needs

Moderators also asked lawmakers about the medical issues facing Iowans, from to vaccine concerns.

Lahn, Sherman and Andrews all stated the need for additional, independent research on the causes of Iowa鈥檚 growing cancer rates in order to understand the problem fully and begin to identify solutions. Andrews mentioned $1 million in state funding provided to the University of Iowa for cancer research but said that didn鈥檛 include pediatric cancers, and said one suggestion to address that was to put in another $3 million.

Lahn laid the blame on agriculture companies who aren鈥檛 truthful about what their chemicals are doing to Iowans, and said he wouldn鈥檛 allow them to operate in Iowa unless they can show through research that their products are not harmful.

鈥淚t is the generational issue of our time, and we have to confront it head on,鈥� Lahn said.

Steen refused to lay the blame on farmers, citing radon, plane deicer and golf courses as other areas that could be impacting cancer rates. He said this is a years-long issue to solve, and he wants to bring the experts to the table to solve it, no matter their political affiliation.

When asked about mRNA vaccines, Lahn, Sherman and Andrews all committed to banning them in the state, pointing back to issues during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Steen, who said his father got diabetes and cancer after receiving the COVID-19 vaccine and later died, said he would consider a ban.

Feenstra criticized for skipping debate

Feenstra was invited to the debate but did not join, indicated by the empty podium Moms for Liberty placed on stage. Each of the candidates criticized his absence.

Billy Fuerst, campaign spokesman for Feenstra, said in an email the candidate flew into and out of  Iowa with President Trump on Air Force One, where they spoke about 鈥渉ow they can work together to take Iowa to new heights and keep Iowa red.鈥�

鈥淐ongressman Feenstra is proud of his track record working with President Trump to pass the largest tax cuts for working families in U.S. history, get Sarah鈥檚 Law signed into law, and lower gas prices to their lowest levels in years,鈥� Fuerst said in his email.

Steen said if Feenstra is the Republican nominee, Iowa would end up with Democrat Rob Sand as a governor and Iowa would be 鈥渢oast.鈥� Feenstra was in Iowa Tuesday, Andrews said, and the fact that he didn鈥檛 show up felt like he was disregarding Iowans.

鈥淚鈥檓 not trying to cuss, but it鈥檚 like throwing a middle finger at all of you,鈥� Andrews said. 鈥淗e doesn鈥檛 care.鈥�

Lahn said he doesn鈥檛 believe that Feenstra was too intimidated to come to the debate stage Tuesday 鈥� he鈥檚 instead following a method that says if you get enough establishment money, you get to skip everything else.

鈥淩andy Feenstra has a lot of money, he has a lot of people behind him, but in Iowa, it doesn鈥檛 take that much money if you鈥檙e willing to work hard,鈥� Sherman said.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Iowa Capital Dispatch maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Kathie Obradovich for questions: info@iowacapitaldispatch.com.

Consider the Washington Post鈥檚 excellent education reporter Laura Meckler, writing on Nov. 12: 

President-elect has promised sweeping changes to federal agencies, but there鈥檚 one he wants to do away with altogether: the Department of Education.

And here鈥檚 Forbes on Nov. 20, announcing the choice of Linda McMahon to be education secretary:

President-elect Donald Trump has tapped Linda McMahon鈥攐ne of his top donors, a former cabinet member and wife of billionaire former WWE chair Vince McMahon鈥攖o lead the federal Department of Education, an agency he has repeatedly vowed to shutter in favor of relegating all educational responsibility to individual states in his second term.

But here鈥檚 Meckler again, just five days later on Nov. 17:

鈥溾�hile his promise to has drawn enormous attention, experts in both parties say this is not likely to have sufficient support. A more likely outcome is Trump using the department to press a conservative worldview.

And here鈥檚 PBS on Nov. 15:

Donald Trump鈥檚 vision for education revolves around a single goal: to rid America鈥檚 schools of perceived 鈥� wokeness 鈥� and 鈥渓eft-wing indoctrination.鈥� The president-elect wants to forbid classroom lessons on gender identity and structural racism. He wants to abolish diversity and inclusion offices. He wants to keep transgender athletes out of girls鈥� sports鈥�.

What鈥檚 going on here? Is the federal role in education slated for elimination or expansion? Is McMahon鈥檚 mandate getting rid of her agency or empowering it?

There鈥檚 no way to be sure today鈥攁nd I鈥檓 not the first to ponder this seeming paradox. But there鈥檚 ample reason to be unsure, and that鈥檚 because the Trump world has long sent exceedingly mixed messages when it comes to K-12 education and the federal role therein.

One clear message is that education belongs to the states, localities and parents鈥攁nd Washington should get out of the way. There鈥檚 certainly no need for an Education Department if the federal role is minimal or even nonexistent. 

But another view鈥攁nd faction鈥攈olds that Uncle Sam should require schools to do the right thing and prevent them from doing wrong things, with those things being decided by Trump鈥檚 acolytes. 

You鈥檒l find both views鈥攁nd the resulting mixed messaging鈥攊n both the Republican platform and Project 2025.

The 2024 platform, for instance, says this:

We are going to close the Department of Education in Washington, D.C., and send it back to the States, where it belongs, and let the States run our educational system as it should be run.

But it also says this:

Republicans will ensure children are taught fundamentals like Reading, History, Science, and Math, not Leftwing propaganda. We will defund schools that engage in inappropriate political indoctrination of our children using Federal Taxpayer Dollars.

Project 2025鈥檚 education chapter, written by the Heritage Foundation鈥檚 Lindsey Burke, says this:

Federal education policy should be limited and, ultimately, the federal Department of Education should be eliminated鈥he federal government should confine its involvement in education policy to that of a statistics-gathering agency that disseminates information to the states.

But it also says this:

No public education employee or contractor shall use a name to address a student other than the name listed on a student鈥檚 birth certificate.

A sage veteran of earlier Republican administrations terms this a tug-of-war between the 鈥渄ecentralizers鈥� and the 鈥渃entralizers.鈥�

It鈥檚 not limited to education, of course. The libertarian (or decentralizing) strand within conservatism has always wanted as little government as possible, along with minimal regulation and low taxes. What one might call the 鈥渢raditionalist鈥� strand has long sought to deploy government power to ensure people behave properly and be prevented from doing things regarded as immoral, sacrilegious or unpatriotic. They can鈥檛 help but be centralizers! 

Decentralizers have pushed in the past to scrap the department, to 鈥渧oucherize鈥� Title I, and to 鈥渂lock grant鈥� just about everything else, as well as to rescind a slew of regulations and rein in the department鈥檚 Office for Civil Rights.

Centralizers are often found in Democratic administrations鈥攃onsider the strings President Barack Obama attached to Race to the Top as well as sundry Biden-era regulations involving gender and school discipline. But the centralizing impulse also runs deeper than you might think among conservatives, sometimes鈥攖his may be counter-intuitive鈥攊n the form of mandating school choice and parental rights. 

The Project 2025 chapter on education, for instance, recommends a host of legislative and regulatory moves that would ensure parental rights and role in their children鈥檚 education and provide school choice within existing federal programs. Such recommendations parallel bills that GOP members of Congress have introduced to expand federal tax credits for education, extend 鈥渆ducation savings account鈥� options, and enact a 鈥減arents鈥� bill of rights.鈥�

Trump鈥檚 choice of Linda McMahon as Education Secretary鈥擬ike Petrilli has called this her 鈥渃onsolation prize鈥� for not being given the Commerce Department鈥攎ay simply signal that education, for now, will be a policy backwater. 

While she鈥檚 a long-time supporter of charters and choice, it鈥檚 a little difficult to picture her doing battle over bathrooms. She鈥檒l likely go through the motions of trying to get her department abolished鈥攁s Terrel Bell did, with no success, back in the early Reagan years鈥攂ut neither she nor anyone else is likely to get Congressional assent to repealing the agency鈥檚 innumerable spending programs nor its protections for kids with disabilities.

Does that mean in the end, that little will change? 

Perhaps. But remember, too, the very last act of the previous Trump administration in the realm of education: releasing of the 鈥�1776 Commission ,鈥� which sought to refute the then-inflammatory 鈥�1619 Project鈥� and combat 鈥渋dentity politics鈥� by proffering its own view of U.S. history. It contained this passage regarding the duty of school and educators:

States and school districts should reject any curriculum that promotes one-sided partisan opinions, activist propaganda, or factional ideologies that demean America鈥檚 heritage, dishonor our heroes, or deny our principles.I agree with that statement myself, as do many Americans, and I note that it doesn鈥檛 call for the federal government to get involved with curricular disputes. But I wouldn鈥檛 count on the team that will take over the White House on Jan. 20 to be equally restrained.

Ayotte beat Democrat Joyce Craig, the former mayor of Manchester, the state鈥檚 largest city, with 53.6 percent of the vote. Ayotte previously served one term in the Senate from 2011 through 2016 after four years as New Hampshire鈥檚 attorney general. 

The race gained national attention after Ayotte backed, then criticized; and then again backed iPresident-Elect Donald Trump between 2016 and today. Ayotte鈥檚 anti-abortion stance was another sharp difference between her and Craig that attracted attention.

But the candidates also took different positions on school choice issues, mostly centering on New Hampshire鈥檚 鈥淓ducation Freedom Accounts,鈥� a plan the state created in 2021 to give parents money to spend on private school tuition or approved homeschooling expenses.

Similar to vouchers, the accounts give parents $4,100 a year if family income is under 350 percent of the federal poverty level, or $109,000 a year for a family of four. More money is available for families with lower income, English language learners or students with disabilities.

Attempts to expand eligibility for the money this year won some support in the state legislature, but not enough to pass. Ayotte has repeatedly called for choice to be 鈥渦niversal,鈥� not just expanded to some groups. 

鈥淚 believe that parents make the best decisions for their children,鈥� Ayotte last year. 鈥淚鈥檓 a strong believer in education freedom鈥e want to give every child in this state the opportunity to go to the school or the educational setting that is best for them.鈥�

Ayotte鈥檚 husband, Joseph Daley is a math teacher at a private school, St. Christopher Academy in Nashua, where students use the accounts.

Her opponent vigorously opposed the accounts, calling them a that takes millions of dollars of tax money away from public schools. The American Federation of Teachers – New Hampshire endorsed Craig,

Ayotte also pledged to back and sign a 鈥減arental bill of rights鈥� if elected. There have been and nationally. Ayotte鈥檚 campaign did not clarify what the bill would include.

The most prominent in New Hampshire, , required schools to share with parents if students identify as a different gender at school, including using different names. That bill sparked emotional debate last year, with the LGBTQ community saying students have the right to not be 鈥渙uted鈥� to judgmental parents and parents saying they have a right to raise their children as they want.

from parents, the first state supreme court to rule on an issue flaring up in several states.

Ayotte, however, said throughout the campaign and on that she will 鈥渆nthusiastically work to pass and sign the Parental Bill of Rights.鈥�

鈥淧arents have a right to decide what is best for their child 鈥� period,鈥� according to her site.

In early May, Democrats in the House defeated the 鈥� The bill was the latest effort to require public school teachers to answer parents when they ask about changes to their child鈥檚 gender identity.

But another bill is moving forward that supporters say would give parents more control over their children鈥檚 instruction in schools 鈥� and opponents say would intrude on classroom instruction.

would allow parents to opt their children out of any 鈥渋nstruction or program of鈥� sexual orientation, gender, gender identity, or gender expression.

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Currently, state law allows parents to withdraw their children from classes related to human sexual education. HB 1312 would expand that ability to apply to the additional topics.

Under the existing process, parents must notify the school district in writing that they object to the class material. And the parents must propose alternative instruction that is agreed upon by the school district, and pay for it themselves if there is a cost.

HB 1312 would expand the withdrawal and require school district staff to notify parents at least two weeks in advance of any material that might fall into the category.

Separately, the bill would prevent school districts from requiring that teachers withhold information from parents about their child鈥檚 well-being 鈥� including information about their sexuality. Individual teachers could still choose not to answer questions from parents about their child鈥檚 sexuality, but school districts could not make it a blanket policy under the bill.

The legislation, which passed the House 186-185, appears likely to clear the Republican-led Senate, too; the Senate Education Committee voted to recommend that it pass, in a 3-1, party-line vote.

Supporters say the bill would give parents a greater say in how their children learn about sensitive topics. But opponents said the bill would empower discriminatory views against LGBTQ+ people, and that the notification process would be disruptive to teachers.

鈥淭he bill seems to be targeting, and I think stigmatizing, any instruction concerning LGBTQ+ people, and I think that this language really sends the message to LGBTQ+ students that their feelings and identities are something to be shunned, feared, potentially even censored, or not even acknowledged,鈥� said Gilles Bissonnette, legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union of New Hampshire.

To Sen. Tim Lang, a Sanbornton Republican, the bill would encourage parents to communicate with their children about the topics 鈥� knowing that they were coming up in the curriculum 鈥� which he said could foster better connections between parents and children.

鈥淧arents should have these discussions with their own children and not have teachers do this. This bill is the prompt for parents to have those conversations.鈥�

Lang said the notification requirements would not prevent school districts from teaching the topics, but would rather allow parents to choose whether to participate in them. And he argued that the bill is not intended to allow parents to withdraw their child from materials that relate to LGBTQ+ people or movements in history.

鈥淚t鈥檚 just informative to parents,鈥� he said. 鈥淣othing stops the school from doing those classes. The class is allowed. That just says that if you do it though, because this is a sensitive topic, you need to notify parents.鈥�

A class about Harvey Milk, the openly gay San Francisco politician who was assassinated in 1978, would not fall under the definition of instruction of sexual orientation, Lang said, because Milk was a historical figure. But any instruction directed at students themselves that delved into their own sexual orientations or gender identity 鈥� such as that in a sex education class 鈥� would need to be disclosed, he said.

But representatives of teachers unions said the bill as written does not make those distinctions clear. Teachers might interpret the law to mean that any class that discussed the history of LGBTQ+ rights would need to be noticed ahead of time, opponents said. And English teachers might feel compelled to disclose any book that featured LGBTQ+ characters, and to empower parents to prevent their children from reading those books.

鈥淚f you pass this bill that expands the areas that a parent is required notification of and can opt a child out of, where will it stop?鈥� said Deb Howes, president of the American Federation of Teachers of New Hampshire. 鈥溾�� Can you study the pay gap between men and women in the same jobs in an economics class, which has to do with policies around gender discrimination?鈥�

Lang disagreed with that characterization; books that happen to include transgender or non-heterosexual characters would not automatically invoke the disclosure requirement, he said. Only instruction that was specifically intended to teach students about sexual orientation or gender identity would need advanced notice, he said.

Brian Hawkins, director of government relations for the National Education Association of New Hampshire, argued that the topics the bill would add to the parental notification law were so broad that teachers would find the law difficult to follow.

鈥淲e think that 1312 is another piece of legislation that would significantly limit educators鈥� ability to teach, and provides far too many instances of vague language and framework to determine when certain actions violate the statute,鈥� Hawkins said.

New Hampshire lawmakers first passed the law allowing parental opt-out from sex ed in 2017. In recent years, Republicans have pushed to allow more parental control over school library books, and have pressed for legislation to require teachers to answer any questions from parents about their child鈥檚 preferred pronouns or gender identity in school.

The latest parental notification bill effort, , was 鈥渋ndefinitely postponed鈥� earlier this month, on a voting day when House Democrats had a majority over Republicans in the near-evenly divided chamber. That motion means that the bill is dead and that it cannot return as an amendment to another bill this legislative session.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. New Hampshire Bulletin maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Dana Wormald for questions: info@newhampshirebulletin.com. Follow New Hampshire Bulletin on and .

Gov. Ron DeSantis said Monday that he will sign legislation restricting challenges to books in public schools, blaming 鈥渁ctivist鈥� teachers and others of making a 鈥渕ockery鈥� of his parental rights legislation by filing frivolous challenges.

The 2021 Parental Rights in Education Act, sometimes referred to as 鈥淒on鈥檛 Say Gay,鈥� allows parents the opportunity to review, and potentially object to, school library books that they find 鈥渋nappropriate,鈥� with the goal of removing questionable material from school libraries, even if other families are OK with the content.

Especially targeted was LGBTQ content.

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What followed were wholesale challenges to books and other material, requiring their removal from libraries and classrooms pending sometimes protracted reviews of their suitability.

Legislation passed during this year鈥檚 legislative session () allows only one challenge per month unless the challenge comes from the parent or guardian of a child in a public school.

鈥淚t is done intentionally, and it is part of an agenda, and that鈥檚 wrong,鈥� DeSantis said during a news conference.

鈥淚 mean, schools are there to serve a community. Schools are not there for you to try to go on some ideological joyride at the expense of our kids,鈥� he said.

The Legislature hasn鈥檛 sent the bill to DeSantis yet, but he said that he will sign it once that happens.

DeSantis appeared at Warrington Preparatory Academy, a charter school that opened last year at the site of a consistently poorly performing public school.

The bill is an omnibus pertaining to state education policy. The governor highlighted the book challenge changes plus language that expedites charter conversions, requiring districts to allow charter operators access to the facilities to devise a turnaround plan. Districts couldn鈥檛 remove resources or charge rent and would have to maintain the building. Children in the public-school zone would be first in line for charter school admission.

鈥楾he Bluest Eye鈥�

House member Jennifer Canady, a Republican from Polk County, mentioned a new bar on placing students in dropout prevention programs 鈥渟olely because of a disability.鈥� Students who are placed in those programs would be entitled to individualized goals 鈥渟o we are focused on what they need to do in order to be successful,鈥� she said.

鈥淭his bill is going to require that we treat students as the individuals that they are and make sure that they are in the best learning environment for them,鈥� Canady added.

As for book challenges, in 2022 set up a more orderly system for them, including review by the Florida Department of Education.

Still, books and sheltered from access by kids have included bestsellers including 鈥淭he Kite Runner鈥� and 鈥淭he Bluest Eye,鈥� the latter by the Nobel and Pulitzer Prize winner Toni Morrison, plus 鈥淎ll Boys Aren鈥檛 Blue鈥� by George M. Johnson about growing up Black and queer.

In Jacksonville, books about , which are on the state鈥檚 recommended list, were unavailable to students for months pending reviews.

During the 2022-2023 school year, recorded 1,406 book ban cases in Florida, which accounted for 40% of the national total. That organization the Escambia County School District over its banning policies.

DeSantis insisted he is only after books that aren鈥檛 鈥渁ge and developmentally appropriate.鈥�

鈥淵ou should not be having books in these schools, particularly in younger grades, that are sexually explicit, that are promoting ideology like gender ideology. We don鈥檛 believe you teach a kindergartener that they can change their gender 鈥� that鈥檚 just not appropriate, that鈥檚 not what parents want to be taught in our schools,鈥� he said Monday.

Litigation

PEN America and the Florida Education Association, representing classroom teachers, have complained that the laws are so vague that they invited districts to overly restrict access to material. The state laws don鈥檛 directly threaten felony charges for violations, but the Duval County district that that could happen if they expose children to material deemed pornographic.

To DeSantis, such concerns are 鈥減erformative; that鈥檚 political. You鈥檙e trying to be an activist when you should be trying to be an educator.鈥�

He did concede: 鈥淚t鈥檚 from all ends of the political spectrum 鈥� I mean, there鈥檚 some people that really think all these books that have been in school are inappropriate; there鈥檚 other people that know that they鈥檙e appropriate but are trying to act like Florida does not want these books in.鈥�

Overall, 鈥渋t鈥檚 being done to create a narrative that somehow, oh my gosh, all these books are, quote, banned. No book is banned in Florida. The most grotesque pornographic books that are in schools that have been removed because they鈥檙e inappropriate, you can go buy it in a bookstore if that鈥檚 what floats your boat, you鈥檙e able to do that. But do not jam that down the throat of a sixth-grade child,鈥� the governor said.

鈥溾�ust as it鈥檚 wrong for a school district, an activist teacher, a school union to try to impose an agenda on a student, it鈥檚 also wrong for a citizen activist or parent to do these passive-aggressive false challenges to try to act like somehow we don鈥檛 want education in Florida,鈥� he said.

鈥淚f you are trying to be an activist, if you鈥檙e trying to withdraw valid materials as a way to basically lodge a protest, you鈥檙e going to be held accountable for that, because you鈥檙e depriving the students of their right to be able to have a good education.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Florida Phoenix maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Diane Rado for questions: info@floridaphoenix.com. Follow Florida Phoenix on and .

A group of Montana students, teachers, librarians, and organizations representing school counselors and psychologists filed a Tuesday seeking to block the 2021 law that requires school staff to if they plan to teach or discuss anything with students that involves 鈥渉uman sexuality.鈥�

The group asked a Lewis and Clark County District Court judge to permanently block the passed during and signed into law by Gov. Greg Gianforte, saying it violates multiple provisions of the state Constitution ensuring rights to freedom of speech and expression, privacy, due process, equal protection and a quality educational opportunity.

鈥淲ithout clear guidance on the issues that fall under the scope of SB 99, teachers, librarians, and others are at risk of discipline if they unknowingly violate this legislation,鈥� said Marthe VanSickle, an attorney at the ACLU of Montana, which is one of three law firms and organizations representing the plaintiffs. 鈥淪B 99 has left Montana schools navigating uncertainty and vulnerability which stifles learning opportunities for students and threatens free exchange of ideas.鈥�

In response, the Governor鈥檚 Office and Superintendent of Public Instruction Elsie Arntzen said they remain committed to the law and ensuring a parent鈥檚 right to know if their children are learning about explicit content at school.

鈥淲hile the governor鈥檚 office generally doesn鈥檛 comment on ongoing litigation, the governor remains committed to preserving a Montana parent鈥檚 role in his or her child鈥檚 education, especially a parent鈥檚 right to know when a child might be exposed to sexually explicit content in the classroom,鈥� the governor鈥檚 spokesperson, Kaitlin Price, said in a statement.

The plaintiffs include the Montana School Counselors Association, Montana Association of School Psychologists, a Billings high school English teacher, a Billings West librarian and teacher, two students and EmpowerMT, an organization that provides training to several districts in the state about how to build more inclusive school communities.

They are suing Gianforte, Arntzen, her Office of Public Instruction, and the Montana Board of Public Education, alleging vagueness is creating abundant issues for educators, the Two Spirit and LGBTQ+ community, and mental health professionals that work with students because the law is being 鈥渨eaponized鈥� to shut down discussions and lessons that some parents might morally object to.

鈥淪B 99 is part of a concerted effort by the Legislature and the Defendants to erase 2S-LGBTQIA+ histories, viewpoints and curricula from public instruction,鈥� the lawsuit says. 鈥淚t is also part of a coordinated effort to create a climate of hostility towards 2S-LGBTQIA+ individuals. In short, SB 99 marginalizes the history, concerns, experiences, and aspirations of the 2S-LGBTQIA+ community.鈥�

The group says the law has led to teachers, librarians, counselors and psychologists avoiding discussing gender identity, sexual health, and even legal decisions in lessons that are not planned in advance so they don鈥檛 risk potential punishment for violating the law. They say nearly three years on, they have received about exactly when they should be notifying parents two days in advance of any lesson or discussion.

The lawsuit says Two Spirit and LGBTQ+ students are also unable to learn more about those communities and that the law also subjects them to being further singled out because of their identities and subject to bullying. It says that students cannot engage in spontaneous conversations in school groups like a Genders and Sexuality Alliance without first notifying parents.

And it says the law is violating the constitutional requirement for quality educational opportunities for Montana students because the restrictions surrounding sex education are not informing students of healthy practices and are paring down their opportunities to learn as much as they wish.

The suit calls the law 鈥渁stonishingly vague鈥� and says the challenge comes in part because the Montana Legislature failed to refine definitions in the bill of what constituted 鈥減roviding information鈥� or 鈥渕aintaining a curriculum鈥� during the 2023 legislative session. Two bills that of the law both died in the process.

And it says that the discussion over the bill signaled a legislative intent to enforce 鈥淐hristian values鈥� in Montana鈥檚 public schools that would violate the state Constitution.

The educators say they have had to stop teaching certain books and topics, that classroom libraries have been shut down, that they鈥檝e had to question whether their mental health discussions with students violate the law and have faced harassment from the community for trying to teach about LGBTQ+ history and rights.

鈥淪B99 gives anti-2S-LGBTQIA+ parents a potent cudgel against any teacher, counselor, school psychologist, or librarian who is dedicated to tolerance, inclusivity, and compassion in the classroom and school,鈥� the suit says. 鈥淎s a result, teachers, counselors, and school psychologists are likely to continue to steer clear or any instruction or counseling that might put them in the crosshairs of SB 99 and its proponents, to the detriment of public-school students across the State.鈥�

For the two student plaintiffs, the suit says the law is preventing Two Spirit and LGBTQ+ students from accessing information about the community and scientific material on sexuality and gender identity. And it is keeping student peer educators from speaking with other students to better inform them about sexual health and relationships, the lawsuit says.

鈥淓very student has a right to access information about human sexuality without censorship from their teachers and without fear they are running afoul of SB 99,鈥� the suit says. 鈥淎s a result of the hostile climate SB 99 has created, R.S. and her peers will go out into the world as adults without the quality education to which they are entitled under the Montana Constitution.鈥�

It contends that school psychologists and counselors have also had to change their practices surrounding what they can say to students, even involving serious matters like suicidality, which goes against best practices for their professions.

鈥淢any of those conversation are, by necessity, confidential,鈥� Montana School Counselors Association Advocacy Chairperson Erica Parrish said in a statement. 鈥淪B 99 places school counselors between the proverbial rock and a hard place: we can either follow our professional and ethical obligations to our students, or we can follow SB 99鈥檚 parent notification requirement. It鈥檚 impossible to do both.鈥�

The lawsuit claims the law violates the Montana Constitution by chilling speech, infringing on the privacy rights of students and educators, and not giving the plaintiffs due process because of its vagueness. It says the law violates the equal protection clause because it disproportionately affects Two Spirit and LGBTQ+ students, and does not afford Two Spirit and LGBTQ+ students the chance to receive a quality education.

The attorneys in the case are asking a judge to find the law to be unconstitutional, to award nominal damages to the student plaintiffs, as well as attorneys鈥� fees and costs.

In a statement, Arntzen, who is running in the Republican primary for Montana鈥檚 2nd Congressional District seat, said the lawsuit was an attack on her because she鈥檚 a Republican who supports more parental involvement in Montana classroom curriculum.

鈥淲oke organizations are once again attacking me because I am a conservative and I鈥檓 standing for parental rights,鈥� she said. 鈥淕overnment bureaucracy doesn鈥檛 own our children. I stand with Montana parents who are rightfully concerned over sexual indoctrination in the classroom. Montana families have the right to know what their children are being taught and the right to opt-out of participating. I will continue to fiercely defend parental rights.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Daily Montanan maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Darrell Ehrlick for questions: info@dailymontanan.com. Follow Daily Montanan on and .

The complaint argues that these warrantless actions, which often include strip-searches of children and multiple, traumatizing return visits by case workers, violate the Fourth Amendment. The city鈥檚 Administration for Children鈥檚 Services is charged with investigating all reports of child abuse and neglect.

鈥淎CS caseworkers lie to parents and withhold information from them about their rights, threaten to involve the police when police are clearly not needed and even directly threaten to take parents鈥� children away from their care 鈥� all to pressure parents to give ACS access to families鈥� homes and strip-search their children,鈥� states a press release announcing the Feb. 20 filing of the litigation in U.S. District Court. 

The attorneys bringing the case point out that these practices inflict disproportionate harm and trauma on Black and Hispanic families, who are the subject of 80% of ACS investigations, and that in 70% of those inquiries, allegations of parental abuse and neglect are determined to be unfounded.

Calls to reform the nation鈥檚 child welfare system have been growing, often spurred by the work of reporters uncovering abuses. The NYC lawsuit cites the investigative reporting of former 74 staffer Asher Lehrer-Small, which revealed the extent to which unfounded reports of suspected parental abuse and neglect were made by NYC teachers and a pattern of retaliation against special education parents , who were reported to ACS after speaking up on their children鈥檚 behalf.

• Exclusive Data: Educators鈥� 鈥楥areless鈥� Child Abuse Reports Devastate Thousands of NYC Families
  
• They Stood Up to NYC Schools For Their Disabled Child. Then Child Protective Services Arrived
  

A spokeswoman for ACS that the agency would review the lawsuit and is 鈥渃ommitted to keeping children safe and respecting parents鈥� rights.鈥� 

鈥淲e will continue to advance our efforts to achieve safety, equity and justice by enhancing parents鈥� awareness of their rights, connecting families to critical services, providing families with alternatives to child protection investigations and working with key systems to reduce the number of families experiencing an unnecessary child protective investigation,鈥� spokeswoman Marisa Kaufman said. 

The lawsuit was filed on behalf of nine plaintiffs, but could grow much larger. It asks that ACS鈥檚 practices be deemed unconstitutional, that the agency remedy how it investigates families and conducts searches, and that the plaintiffs be awarded compensatory damages.

鈥淭his may be one of the most important lawsuits in the field in the last [50]  years,鈥� Martin Guggenheim, an NYU law professor and children鈥檚 rights and family law expert, said in the release.

Read the 49-page complaint here

Since their creation three years ago, the conservative parental rights organization Moms for Liberty has emerged as a major player in national education politics in the U.S., and certainly in Florida, where the group began in 2021.

鈥淲e started with two chapters, Brevard and Indian River. And in three years, we are now at 310 chapters in 48 states with 130,000 members and I think that鈥檚 remarkable. It鈥檚 because of the work that you started here in Florida,鈥� Moms for Liberty co-founder Tina Descovich said on Friday while speaking in front of a crowd in Florida鈥檚 Capitol courtyard in Tallahassee.

Moms for Liberty emerged in the wake of schools shutting down during the coronavirus pandemic in 2020, with parents feeling in some cases that local school boards weren鈥檛 listening to their concerns over remote learning and mask mandates.

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And they had a receptive audience in Tallahassee under Gov. Ron DeSantis and the GOP-controlled Legislature, resulting in legislation such as the (the 鈥淒on鈥檛 say gay鈥� bill) and in the 2022 legislative session.

The group is still considered controversial: It鈥檚 been labeled as an and a 鈥渇ar-right鈥� organization by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

SPLC writes: 鈥淢oms for Liberty and its nationwide chapters combat what they consider the 鈥榳oke indoctrination鈥� of children by advocating for book bans in school libraries and endorsing candidates for public office that align with the group鈥檚 views. They also use their multiple social media platforms to target teachers and school officials, advocate for the abolition of the Department of Education, advance a conspiracy propaganda, and spread hateful imagery and rhetoric against the LGBTQ community.鈥�

Co-founder Tiffany Justice rejected that assertion, that 鈥渨e are a group of moms and dads and grandparents and aunts and uncles, community members that are very concerned about the direction of the country,鈥� according to Fox News Tonight, in June 2023.

Justice, Descovich and Sarasota鈥檚 Bridget Ziegler were the three original co-founders of Moms for Liberty, though Ziegler, a Sarasota School Board member, left the organization shortly after its creation. Ziegler has been in the spotlight recently after it was reported that she and her husband had a consensual with another woman, among other concerns.

Descovich said that while Moms for Liberty originally focused on turning around members of school boards, the group learned quickly that they needed to invest energy in state legislatures to change laws, she said on Friday in Tallahassee.

鈥淔lorida started forming organically a legislative committee, and that was the model that is now being used in 18 states of Moms for Liberty with legislative committees,鈥� she said.

Meanwhile, Brevard County School Board member Jennifer Jenkins says that the culture wars of the past few years, pushed by DeSantis, appear to be losing some of its steam.

But she also says that Moms for Liberty鈥檚 impact isn鈥檛 going away in Florida.

鈥淲hat鈥檚 scary though is that the reason (Moms for Liberty) rose and were viable in Florida still exists,鈥� Jenkins says. 鈥淭hat infrastructure didn鈥檛 fall apart, right? I think that they鈥檙e going to continue to thrive here and create this fa莽ade that they鈥檙e the driving force and the moving force. I don鈥檛 know if that will die down. Perhaps someone will try to conquer that.鈥�

Organizers at Friday鈥檚 event didn鈥檛 speak much about the future, but they are expected to again get involved in local elections later this year.

The Florida chapter that they say, 鈥渟tand with parents.鈥� The list includes both of Florida鈥檚 two U.S. GOP senators, Rick Scott and Marco Rubio.

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Florida Phoenix maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Diane Rado for questions: info@floridaphoenix.com. Follow Florida Phoenix on and .

An alliance of conservative groups on Tuesday submitted nearly 425,000 signatures for an initiative to guarantee parents access to materials their children are taught in K-12 classrooms and information about medical services public schools provide.

The proposed ballot measure, , would on matters ranging from reviewing textbooks and curriculum to obtaining medical records to being able to opt their child out of assignments involving questions about a child鈥檚 sexual experiences or their family鈥檚 religious beliefs.

Initiative supporters delivered boxes of petitions to the Secretary of State鈥檚 Office in Tumwater at 1:30 p.m. They said they were turning in 423,399 signatures.

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鈥淭his initiative is nothing anyone would have believed was controversial even a few years ago,鈥� said hedge fund manager Brian Heywood, founder of Let鈥檚 Go Washington and chief financier of the signature-gathering effort.

鈥淧arents are the primary stakeholder in raising children,鈥� he said in a statement. 鈥淭he overwhelming number of signatures from across the political spectrum shows that everyone just wants to get back to normal.鈥�

State Rep. Jim Walsh of Aberdeen, who also chairs the Washington State Republican Party, is the prime sponsor of this initiative and five others circulated this year by Let鈥檚 Go Washington, Restore Washington and other conservative political groups.

In November, they for to repeal the Climate Commitment Act. Petitions for a third measure dealing with vehicle pursuits by police are scheduled for delivery Thursday, according to the Secretary of State鈥檚 Office.

Collectively these measures are part of a broad Republican-driven strategy to push back on significant social, fiscal and environmental policies approved by Democratic legislators and Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee over the objections of many GOP lawmakers.

Need or distraction?

Initiative 2081 focuses on public schools which have increasingly been a battleground in Washington and across the nation on issues of curricula related to sexual health and race and policies on COVID vaccinations and gender identity.

The measure would require parents to be able to review educational materials and receive copies of academic and medical records for free. It also says parents should 鈥渞eceive written notice and the option to opt their child out鈥� of surveys, assignments, questionnaires, and other activities in which questions are asked about their child鈥檚 鈥渟exual experiences or attractions鈥� or their family religion or political affiliations.

Another provision calls for parents to be notified if their child receives any medications or medical care that could result in a financial impact.

Officials with the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction are studying the measure to see how it aligns with current Washington law.

鈥淢ost of the provisions appear to be consistent with 鈥� said OSPI spokeswoman Katy Payne. 鈥淲e are reviewing it in further detail to determine if the initiative conflicts with any existing civil rights protections or Human Rights Commission determinations.鈥�

Mark Gardner, a high school teacher in the Camas School District, said the premise of ensuring parents have a voice isn鈥檛 problematic. The reality, he said, is most of what is sought exists now through state law or school district policies.

鈥淭o me this feels like a distraction from our greater needs,鈥� he said. State lawmakers should look to boost funding for hiring support staff and paraeducators, for example, because these professionals 鈥渨ould really serve our kids,鈥� he said.

To be certified, Initiative 2081 petitions must contain the signatures of at least 324,516 registered voters. State election officials recommend initiative sponsors submit at least 405,000 signatures to account for any found to be invalid.

The process of certifying valid signatures will begin after the Dec. 29 deadline for filing initiatives to the Legislature.

Because it is an , if it has the requisite number of signatures it will first be sent to lawmakers who can adopt it as written in the 2024 session. They also can reject or refuse to act on it, in which case it will go on the November 2024 ballot.

Lawmakers can approve an alternative measure to be placed on the ballot alongside the initiative if they want, as well.

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Washington State Standard maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Bill Lucia for questions: info@washingtonstatestandard.com. Follow Washington State Standard on and .

A key issue underlying the 2023 Virginia election first drew statewide 鈥� and national 鈥� attention in a debate two years ago.

During a 2021 Virginia gubernatorial debate, Democratic candidate made a critical mistake that led to his defeat by GOP challenger Glenn Youngkin.

Instead of acknowledging concerns that parents were having over school curriculum, McAuliffe dismissed them.

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鈥淚鈥檓 not going to let parents come into schools and actually take books out and make their own decision,鈥� McAuliffe said during the debate. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think parents should be telling schools what they should teach.鈥�

McAuliffe鈥檚 remarks sparked a backlash among white conservatives who were incensed that their children were being forced to read books that touched on contentious topics such as racism and sexuality.

In fact, one of Youngkin鈥檚 showed a white mother who was nearly brought to tears by her son鈥檚 anguish after reading about the horrors of slavery in Toni Morrison鈥檚 鈥�.鈥� She said the book should not have been required high school reading.

But while Youngkin and other campaigning for offices from to in the 2023 cycle have hitched their political success to parental rights and banning books deemed offensive, they do not own those issues.

In fact, the very thing that parental rights advocates are fighting to exclude is the very thing that parental rights groups of the 1960s fought to have included: an accurate reflection of the role that Black people played in the shaping of American history and culture.

I know this because a great deal of time studying one of the seminal parental rights movements in American public education for my book, 鈥�.鈥�

In that book, I detailed the 1968 struggle over community control of public schools in the predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood of Ocean Hill-Brownsville in the Brooklyn borough of New York City. There, as in Virginia, by the public education system demanded to have their voices heard in determining school curricula.

But at Ocean Hill-Brownsville, it was Black and Latino parents who demanded their right to have a say in the education of their children.

Inside the classrooms

For decades, Black history had been a neglected topic in New York City schools.

In the 1960s, only a handful of textbooks on the Board of Education-approved list discussed the history of African Americans in significant detail. The lack of such material was widely blamed for the disappointing academic performance of Black and Latino students.

In an effort to help those students and improve test scores, New York City school officials launched an experiment to give the mostly minority parents more say in school matters by appointing them to school governing boards. As I note in , the new governing boards immediately set out to move the history of Black Americans from the margins of the American experience to its epicenter.

Not everyone supported the changes to what was being taught in the classrooms. When the newly formed board composed of fired 13 teachers and six administrators for trying to block the changes, the United Federation of Teachers union organized several strikes to shut down the schools in a dispute over control of personnel, finances and curricula.

The strikes lasted for 36 school days and affected about 47,000 teachers and nearly 1 million students. The strike ended on Nov. 17 when the state took control of the Ocean Hill-Brownsville school district.

Most of the jobs left vacant by striking union members were filled by a group of nonunionized 鈥渞eplacement鈥� teachers sympathetic to the Ocean Hill-Brownsville parents.

In this racially charged atmosphere, local parents enjoyed an unprecedented opportunity to assert their rights. In the words of one school board representative, they sought to 鈥渟upply the missing pieces of Black culture,鈥� which would be 鈥渢he well-spring from which all areas will flow, and counter the total focus in today鈥檚 curriculum on the European Anglo-Saxon experience.鈥�

During , Ocean Hill-Brownsville parents worked with the teachers who had defied the union and staffed the schools to help implement an ambitious Black history curriculum. It included lessons on Black revolutionary leaders , and .

Their recommendations would eventually influence the direction of curricula in the New York City public school system as a whole.

A constant struggle

This example of parental rights serves as a reminder to those who assume that white conservatives are the only active and involved parents trying to assert their rights.

Indeed, in Virginia itself, Black parents are still having an effect on what is taught in public schools. In one example, the proposed a set of revisions to the state鈥檚 Standards of Learning in history and social sciences that failed to mention Juneteenth and Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

Black politicians and parents as 鈥渨hite-washing,鈥� and the changes were later .

In a further blow to conservatives, parental activists helped shepherd standards that were approved in April 2023.

The standards state unequivocally that 鈥渢he institution of slavery was the cause of the Civil War.鈥� In addition, they recognize 鈥渢he indelible stain of slavery, segregation, and racism in the United States and around the world鈥� and emphasize 鈥渢he development of African American culture in America.鈥�

Most important, at least to those who agree that parents should have an active role in the education of their children, the standards state that 鈥減arents should have access to all instructional materials utilized in any Virginia public school.鈥�

The parental rights movement, then, in Virginia and elsewhere, is not solely the province of the right. As history has shown 鈥� and today鈥檚 debates over school curricula show 鈥� 鈥減arental rights鈥� are for all parents.

This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. Read the .

At a hosted by the right-leaning Heritage Foundation, DeSantis pointed to recent dismal national test scores as vindication for his decision to fully reopen schools in the fall of 2020. He touted his parental rights agenda and defended his opposition to mask mandates and quarantines for children who weren鈥檛 sick.

鈥淭he way different places handled COVID is going to reverberate in terms of the educational outcomes for these kids for quite some time,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e got the big issues right. Unfortunately, a lot of places around the country got the big issues wrong.鈥�

The event coincided with the release of a new , which ranks Florida as first in the nation for school choice, transparency on education and the extent to which it keeps 鈥渙verburdensome鈥� regulations to a minimum. But as with recent appearances in and , the events also offered an opportunity to position DeSantis, who is running for reelection against Democrat Charlie Crist, as a potential national candidate. 

鈥淵ou can stand for regular people, and we can beat these elites,鈥� he said, acknowledging the 鈥渂lowback鈥� he faced from teachers unions for requiring schools to be open five days a week. 鈥淚鈥檒l take the arrows. That鈥檚 what a leader does.鈥�

In the , DeSantis has at least a 5 percentage point lead over Crist. Critics say his policies defy Republicans鈥� preference for local control, and he鈥檚 facing a federal lawsuit over a new law that limits what teachers and college professors can say about race and gender in the classroom. 

DeSantis-backed school board candidates picked up seats across Florida in last month鈥檚 primary. But Corey DeAngelis, a speaker at the event and a senior fellow at the conservative American Federation for Children, said the anti-union message resonates beyond Florida.

He pointed to the defeat of nine out of 10 in the Republican primary who were backed by the Tennessee Education Association. 

鈥淐oming out against parental rights in education is becoming a form of political suicide,鈥� he said, citing Democrat Terry McAuliffe鈥檚 statement in last year鈥檚 Virginia governor鈥檚 race that he didn鈥檛 think 鈥減arents should be telling schools what to teach.鈥� Many observers link that comment to his defeat by Republican Glenn Youngkin.

鈥楶olitical games鈥�

McAuliffe during that campaign for having American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten join him at a rally. But that hasn鈥檛 stopped some Democratic candidates from giving the teachers unions even more visibility this year. 

In Florida, Crist chose United Teachers of Dade President as his running mate. And in Pennsylvania, Lt. Gov. John Fetterman, in a tight race against Republican Dr. Mehmet Oz for a Senate seat, said if he wins, would be to the teachers unions.

Democrats are divided over whether President Joe Biden鈥檚 could lift their chances at the polls in November. But some, like Nevada incumbent Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, running against Republican Adam Laxalt, on passage of the American Rescue Plan, which included $122 billion for K-12. 

Heather Harding, executive director of the Campaign for Our Shared Future, is among those trying to redirect the conversation on education away from culture wars. Funded by organizations that , the nonprofit is organizing parents and educators to counter conservative activist groups like Moms for Liberty.

“Many politicians across the country are manufacturing controversies and outrage for their own personal gain,鈥� Harding said in an email, without naming DeSantis specifically. 鈥淭heir political games are hurting our children’s education and futures.鈥�

The left-leaning Network for Public Education issued its own earlier this year, ranking states on their 鈥渞esistance to the privatization of public education.鈥� Nebraska and North Dakota, which have neither voucher programs nor charter school laws, both received an A+.

By contrast, the Heritage Foundation鈥檚 new tool measures education policies that matter most to conservatives. States received more points if they support alternative teacher licensing programs and dropped Common Core standards. They ranked lower, however, if they have a lot of districts with diversity officers, which according to their , 鈥減rovide political support and organization to one side of the debate over the contentious issues of race and opportunity.鈥�

The report card builds on earlier efforts 鈥� from groups like and the conservative 鈥� to identify states with more choice-friendly features at a time when the movement to give families more options has picked up momentum.

Arizona, which came in second in the report card, recently opened up its to any family. Proponents of expanded choice want to see public education funds 鈥渇ollow the child鈥� into whatever school, public or private, the parent chooses.

鈥淚f you like your public school, you can keep your public school,鈥� DeAngelis said, offering a twist on the motto former President Barack Obama used to promote the Affordable Care Act. 鈥淚 think we’re going to look back in a couple of decades 鈥� and think it was just absolutely ridiculous that we forced families to take their kids鈥� education dollars to residentially assigned government-run institutions.鈥� 

Unofficial results show 19 of the 30 candidates he endorsed won their races. Six others are headed to runoffs in the general election on Nov. 8 and five were defeated.

鈥淲omen with kids are the swing vote in Florida,鈥� said Susan MacManus, a political science professor at the University of South Florida. DeSantis, she added, was 鈥渂rilliant鈥� in waiting until early voting was over Sunday to on behalf of his candidates. 鈥淗e knows that the majority of Republicans are going to vote on Election Day.鈥�

The majority of the governor鈥檚 favored candidates won in counties that voted for former President Trump in 2020, but some also picked up seats in Democratic strongholds. 

鈥淲e鈥檙e excited about the boards we flipped that now have a majority of parents鈥� rights members,鈥� said Tina Descovich, a co-founder of Moms for Liberty, a growing conservative organization that, like DeSantis, is opposed to schools鈥� attention to LGBTQ rights and social justice issues. 鈥淧arents know their children the best.鈥�

In Miami-Dade, the state鈥檚 largest district, DeSantis-backed Monica Colucci, an educator who worked in the governor鈥檚 administration, defeated longtime incumbent Marta Perez. And Roberto Alonso, who founded an ed tech company and owns an adult day care, beat two other candidates, including Maribel Balbin, who was endorsed by the teachers union.

Balbin said she didn鈥檛 want Alonso to 鈥渨alk into a seat without at least having a challenge of some sort.鈥�

In Duval County, which includes Jacksonville, April Carney 鈥� who was part of the Jan. 6, 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol 鈥� beat incumbent Elizabeth Andersen, a licensed mental health therapist. Carney, one of DeSantis鈥檚 candidates, has not confirmed whether she was at the Capitol that day.

鈥淚鈥檓 concerned for our teachers and students,鈥� Andersen told 社区黑料. She rejected political endorsements because she didn鈥檛 want the race to be partisan. 鈥淭his level of political involvement by the governor in a local race is unprecedented and un-American.鈥� 

The primary was a chance to gauge how voters would respond to DeSantis鈥檚 anti-鈥漺oke鈥� education agenda. 

DeSantis has made a cornerstone of his re-election campaign. In November, he鈥檒l face U.S. Rep. Charlie Crist, a Democrat and former governor who released his of school board preferences. But some education advocates viewed the endorsements from both candidates as unwelcome intrusion into nonpartisan races.

鈥淧arents don鈥檛 like it,鈥� said Melissa Erickson, executive director of the Alliance for Public Schools 鈥� an advocacy organization focusing on districts along the I-4 corridor, from Tampa (Hillsborough County) to Daytona Beach (Volusia County). 鈥淭hey want school board meetings to be boring again.鈥�

In Hillsborough County, where Crist鈥檚 and DeSantis鈥檚 candidates went head-to-head, Erickson saw less of an impact. Incumbent Stacy Hahn, endorsed by DeSantis, was reelected, as was incumbent Karen Perez, who picked up Crist鈥檚 endorsement. Another DeSantis candidate, Patricia Rendon won an open seat. 

鈥淭wo incumbents are going back to the school board. People are voting for who they know,鈥� Erickson said. 鈥淣obody massively outperformed their demographic.鈥� 

鈥楢 one-size-fits-all鈥� agenda

DeSantis unveiled his initial in June. After Crist announced his preferred candidates in July, DeSantis expanded his list to cover 18 districts. 

To earn the governor鈥檚 support, candidates had to complete a survey and commit to furthering his 10-point , which includes keeping 鈥渨oke gender ideology out of schools鈥� and rejecting critical race theory in the curriculum.

Andersen, in Duval, said the pledge runs counter to the principle of local control in education. 

鈥淭o me that鈥檚 a one-size-fit-all education agenda,鈥� she said. 鈥淲e are not the same as Hillsborough or Miami. We want to make decisions that work for our schools and our kids.鈥�

But she represents a more conservative, mostly white part of the county. Carney won 53% of the vote.

With the Florida governor expected to seek the Republican nomination for president in 2024, the question is whether his education platform translates outside of Florida as well. He recently took his message to Arizona, Pennsylvania and Ohio, for Republican candidates. Republican Doug Mastriano, running for Pennsylvania governor, said he wanted to make his state the

鈥淢any people have moved to Florida because of what we鈥檝e done,鈥� said Alysha Legge, who lost to incumbent Perez in Hillsborough. She pointed to above-average and keeping schools open during the pandemic as reasons contributing to the state鈥檚 growth. 鈥淚 honestly would love for him to stay in Florida. We need him a little longer.鈥�

and changing demographics have shifted the state in a . Part of that growth includes an influx of Cubans. While they tend to lean more Republican, , some experts on Florida politics said that doesn鈥檛 mean they are as far to the right as DeSantis and former President Donald Trump. 

鈥嬧�嬧�滺ispanics are more in the center. They鈥檙e trying to figure out what U.S. politics are all about,鈥� said Marcos Vilar, executive director of , a nonprofit that has worked to get Hispanic candidates elected to school boards. 

Vilar was more focused on races in Orange County, which has a large Hispanic population. DeSantis didn鈥檛 endorse anyone in those races, but there were still contests between conservative and more liberal candidates. 

, incumbents Teresa Jacobs and Angie Gallo fended off conservative challengers, but Alicia Farrant, part of Moms for Liberty, will face Michael Daniels in a runoff. Many of DeSantis鈥檚 picks also received backing from the , a conservative group focused on removing any influence of critical race theory over K-12 curriculum.

In Manatee County, just south of the Tampa area, Sean Conley challenged DeSantis-backed incumbent Chad Choate. Although he鈥檚 a Republican 鈥� supporting for-profit charter schools, tighter security and fiscal responsibility 鈥� Conley said he knew it would be difficult to win. Even the chairman of the local Republican party got involved in the race. urging members in an Aug.18 email to be 鈥渓aser-focused鈥� on winning the seats for DeSantis鈥檚 candidates. 

Rev. James Golden, another Manatee County board member who ran for re-election is a local leader in the Democratic party. But he said he has 鈥渟crupulously鈥� avoided partisanship in his role as a board member. 

With voters last fall renewing a for the school district, Golden thought that was a good sign they would vote him in for another term. But challenger Richard Tatem earned just enough votes to avoid a runoff.

The governor, Golden said, is 鈥渢earing down the fundamental premise behind public education.鈥� Teachers, he added, shouldn鈥檛 have to worry about 鈥渨hose mama is a Democrat and whose daddy is a Republican.鈥�

鈥淭here are a lot of great parents out there,鈥� said Rep. Kimberly Rice, a Hudson Republican. 鈥淯nfortunately, there are also some not-so-great parents out there. And those are the kids that are the most vulnerable, and that I am deeply concerned about.鈥� 

As originally passed by the House, restated a number of already existing rights for parents in schools 鈥� including the right to review curricula and to withdraw their child from certain instruction 鈥� and allowed parents to seek damages against the state for a violation.

But a version went further. It would have required that public schools notify parents any time their child joined a class, club, or sports team, as well as every time a school employee had 鈥渢aken action鈥� involving school policies related to a student鈥檚 鈥済ender expression and identity.鈥�

On Tuesday, Rice and other Republican House members on the 鈥渃ommittee of conference鈥� negotiating panel spoke strongly against the proposed notification requirements, and the group of three representatives and three senators failed to find an agreement. 

The split effectively ends prospects for the bill in New Hampshire this year, as states across the country see to establish greater parental rights over school processes. 

The breakdown in negotiations came after a number of advocacy civil rights groups, as well as the state Attorney General鈥檚 Office, also raised concerns the bill would require schools to 鈥渙ut鈥� students, arguing it would discourage some students from seeking counseling and put others at risk. 

In the days before the meeting, a group of those organizations co-signed a letter opposing the bill, including GLAD, the American Civil Liberties Union of New Hampshire, New Hampshire AFL-CIO, National Education Association of New Hampshire, American Federation of Teachers, New Futures, Waypoint, and others.

Assistant Attorney General Sean Locke, head of the state鈥檚 civil rights unit, told the committee Tuesday the bill could find schools in violation of the state鈥檚 2018 anti-discrimination law, which added gender identity to the list of protections in public places and schools. 

And Locke argued that schools could face legal liability should a student die by suicide after being 鈥渙uted鈥� to parents, as required by the bill. 

鈥淭he language specifically targets students based upon their gender identity or expression,鈥� Locke said. 

Rice cited that opposition at the outset of the meeting and said the issues raised were too numerous to deal with in the final days of the legislative session.

Senate Republicans had said the notification requirements were necessary to allow parents to be informed of their child鈥檚 development and to prevent schools from withholding information that could prove important. 

鈥淲e are here because we are concerned about our children,鈥� said Sen. Sharon Carson, a Londonderry Republican. 鈥淎nd the fact that parental rights have been eroded over time.鈥� 

Carson said the bill would ensure schools were not acting as counselors for students without parental sign off.

鈥淲hen did teachers become mental health counselors?鈥� Carson said. 鈥淲hen did that happen?鈥�

She added: 鈥淚f my child is going to get mental health counseling at school, I want to make sure that that person is qualified to do that type of counseling decision with my child. But because no one is being told, I don鈥檛 get to make that decision for my child.鈥�

In an exchange with Carson, Locke disputed the argument that the conversations covered by the bill always counted as counseling or mental health treatment, noting the bill included situations where a student might be struggling with their gender identity and ask a teacher for advice. 

鈥淚f a student says, 鈥楲ook I鈥檓 questioning my sexuality; I鈥檓 worried about coming out to my parents because of their reaction,鈥� it may be counseling in a very broad sense鈥︹�� he said. 鈥淏ut is it mental health counseling at the end of the day?鈥�

Locke argued that the proposed law could prevent students from consulting school counselors or teachers about how to come out to their parents, a difficult decision that can require support. 

At times, the debate Tuesday became passionate. 

鈥淪o if we do nothing, aren鈥檛 we then saying to parents that schools can keep secrets from you in the coming year?鈥� said Sen. Bill Gannon, a Sandown Republican.

Rice responded: 鈥淣o, I think we鈥檙e saying to parents that we want to make sure we do it right because that鈥檚 what鈥檚 in the best interest of their children.鈥� 

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. New Hampshire Bulletin maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Dana Wormald for questions: info@newhampshirebulletin.com. Follow New Hampshire Bulletin on and .

Supporters of the bill said it was necessary to subject teachers to lawsuits in order to bring transparency to schools, which they said have been asking 鈥渋nappropriate questions鈥� of students. The main impetus for the legislation were student surveys sent out by schools 鈥� often aimed at identifying students struggling with mental health during the pandemic 鈥� that made and .

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by Rep. Steve Kaiser, R-Phoenix, began its legislative life as a more controversial bill that would have forced teachers to tell parents everything a student tells them 鈥� including outing them if a student .

The bill was eventually . Kaiser insisted that the bill was never meant as 鈥渁n attack鈥� on the LGBTQ community, even though it specifically said teachers would have to disclose information about a student鈥檚 鈥減urported gender identity鈥� or a request to transition to a gender other than the 鈥渟tudent鈥檚 biological sex.鈥� It was also drafted by two .听

The bill in its current form prohibits a school, political subdivision or government from 鈥渦surping the fundamental right鈥� of a parent in raising their children, allows a parent to bring a civil suit against any government entity or official that violates the in Arizona law, gives parents the rights to all written or electronic records from a school about their child 鈥� including a students counseling records 鈥� and requires schools to notify parents before a survey is conducted of students, among other changes.

鈥淚 am a hard 鈥榥o鈥� on this bill,鈥� Sen. Christine Marsh, a Phoenix Democrat and the 2016 Arizona Teacher of the Year, said when explaining her vote on the floor Monday afternoon. She added that the vague wording of 鈥渦surping the fundamental right鈥� in the bill will likely lead to many parents filing lawsuits.听

鈥淎nything could potentially qualify for it so we might have a whole bunch of teachers going to court for this,鈥� she said.

Those concerns were also echoed by her Democratic colleagues on the bill who feared that if passed, the bill could see librarians getting in trouble for recommending books that conflict with a parent鈥檚 worldview.听

Kaiser, the bill鈥檚 sponsor, said in committee that the aim is to have parents involved with the child in that process.听

The bill passed 16-12. Because it was amended in the Senate, it returns to the House of Representatives for a final vote, after which it would go to Ducey for final action.

is part of States Newsroom, a network of news bureaus supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Arizona Mirror maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jim Small for questions: info@azmirror.com. Follow Arizona Mirror on and .