As Petersburg鈥檚 once-booming manufacturing base hollowed out, crime and residents鈥� health . Along the way, places for kids to be kids disappeared, and many of them stopped coming to school.

Over the last year, about a quarter of students haven鈥檛 shown up for at least 10 days of class, even as Virginia overall that had spiked because of the pandemic. While chronic absenteeism is high, state tests show students鈥� academic performance . Most campuses weren鈥檛 accredited until a few . The whole school division and its 4,500 students has essentially been for decades. 

It鈥檚 a cycle that seemed unbreakable. Yet for almost four years, something quite extraordinary has been happening here. 

鈥淧etersburg has the worst outcomes of anyone on everything,鈥� said Aimee Guidera, Virginia鈥檚  secretary of education during former Gov. Glenn Youngkin鈥檚 term. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 why we went in.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Guidera is referring to a 2022 encounter at a community meeting between Youngkin, a Republican, and Petersburg鈥檚 longtime Democratic mayor, Samuel Parham, which led to a yearslong relationship, . The partnership drew $447 million in state, federal and private sector investment to this city just south of Virginia鈥檚 capital, plus $2 billion in commitments to develop the area. It also helped fast track the city鈥檚 grant applications and approval for projects like , which will bring jobs and revenue, and supported small businesses , like the expansion of a Montessori-style childcare center.

In the schools, there is more before- and after-school childcare, more summer programs for kids and a new playground at the YMCA. There鈥檚 also more staff to help intervene when students and families are struggling, a new mentoring program for girls and more.聽

Despite the intervention and attention, however, Petersburg schools are still floundering and remain under close watch by the state. But there is hope that as the city changes, its schools will keep changing too. 

Parent Lakeshia Tinsley, who leads the school division鈥檚 Parent Advisory Committee and can rattle off a list of concerns about the city schools, summed it up this way: 鈥淧etersburg has been on the move, slowly but surely.鈥�

鈥業t鈥檚 all connected鈥�

That鈥檚 quite different from how Tinsley felt when she first moved here, lured by Petersburg鈥檚 low cost of living. The schools were thought to be so bad, she recalled being told that she鈥檇 need to move again once her daughter grew to school-age. 

At the time, just one of the city鈥檚 four elementary schools offered childcare before and after hours 鈥� care that, for many parents, makes working full-time possible.聽

In the early days of the partnership, Guidera said members of the community frequently complained about that lack of care, along with the dearth of summer camps and activities for kids in general. 

鈥淵ou can鈥檛 just deal with crime without dealing with health, with poverty, with education,鈥� Guidera said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 all connected.鈥�

In response, the commonwealth leveraged grants and federal dollars to expand care provided by the YMCA, before and after school at every city elementary school. 

For free. 

鈥淏efore, I was having to pay daycare at an actual daycare. That鈥檚 another bill that you have,鈥� said Tinsley, who is now running for a seat on the Petersburg school board. 鈥淚t鈥檚 more convenient to drop off at school,鈥� she added, recalling that the bus taking children from the private childcare center to her daughter鈥檚 elementary school in the mornings sometimes ran late.

A related endeavor led to and giving kids a hand in designing it. 

Girls with Pearls

Those kinds of spaces to play and gather are essential for kids, said Wanda Stewart, who grew up in Petersburg during the boom times in the ’70s and ’80s.

鈥淭here were baseball games at the park, Little League games, city events in the parks for families,鈥� she remembered. She attended college in North Carolina and later settled there with her husband. But phone calls home with nieces and nephews distressed her. 

The thriving city where Stewart grew up had gone.

Petersburg, a transportation hub that hugs the Appomattox River and a city , . The mall closed. So did the skating rink and movie theater. Even the bowling alley shut down.聽

Family who remained wondered if it wouldn鈥檛 be better for Stewart, with her experience in dropout prevention, to use her talents supporting children back home in Petersburg. When a job running Petersburg鈥檚 opened up, she seized the opportunity to return.

And because of the Partnership for Petersburg, she had the chance to tell then-first lady Suzanne Youngkin about her organization, which works to keep kids in school, in part by taking stock of needs like food, clothing and mental health. Many Petersburg students鈥� parents or underemployed compared to those in other parts of Virginia and the country as a whole.

Stewart got Youngkin鈥檚 attention. The partnership three of Petersburg鈥檚 eight schools to hire its own CIS site coordinator. A dedicated staff member in school meant getting early warnings about students鈥� and families鈥� needs and handling them in real time.

Stewart also told Youngkin about 鈥淕irls with Pearls,鈥� one facet of Communities in Schools she brought with her from North Carolina. Each participating student is paired with an adult mentor, who works with them on issues like leadership, self-care, etiquette and navigating conflict. The name comes from how the year ends: Selected girls at every Petersburg school are presented with a strand of pearls they鈥檝e earned for their monthly sessions. 

Youngkin attended a sixth-grade center as a child in Texas and took a special interest in working with the Girls in Pearls at Blandford Academy, the Petersburg school for sixth graders. Sixth grade centers can : the year between the safe space of elementary school and the more daunting middle school years, when some students drop out. 

鈥淚 have a sweet spot for sixth-grade girls,鈥� said Youngkin, who recruited members of her staff to mentor Blandford students.

Stewart said Communities in Schools staff and other school employees nominate girls they think would benefit from the monthly conversations and mentoring.

They are girls like Lakeshia Tinsley鈥檚 daughter, Serenity, and her classmate Zoey Williams, a fellow Blandford sixth grader who was Suzanne Youngkin鈥檚 mentee. At the group鈥檚 April gathering, Zoey and Youngkin chatted for a few minutes before getting into an ask-me-anything style conversation with a local OB/GYN who was there to explain menstruation. Many girls in Petersburg may be skipping school because they don鈥檛 have the menstrual supplies they need. The girls and their mentors filled 145 backpacks with pads and wipes 鈥� a two-month supply 鈥� so every Blandford girl would be outfitted with what they might need.

Before the Youngkins left the governor鈥檚 mansion in January, the girls got to visit. At the end of the school year, each received a strand of pearls as a parting gift. They were also given a journal and a binder filled with lessons to look back on. But 鈥渋t鈥檚 not about gifts,鈥� Youngkin said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 about time.鈥�

鈥淚 got to learn stuff I didn鈥檛 really know about,鈥� Zoey said, citing sessions on anxiety and how to deal with emotions gone haywire. 鈥淚 got to meet new people.鈥�

鈥楴ot 鈥� a finger snap鈥�

Though the Partnership for Petersburg is over, and the Youngkins moved some 120 miles north, Youngkin said she plans to return when the next group of Girls with Pearls participants is selected in the fall. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 just sort of gotten to be what we do,鈥� she said.

Like Tinsley, Stewart said she鈥檚 noticed positive differences in Petersburg, even if there鈥檚 a long way to go on the school system鈥檚 biggest concern, student performance in math and reading.

The school division offers a glimpse of the changes: Several schools are now accredited. The division has had , offering a sense of stability at the top, after running through several others in the last few years. Brown has for every student to be ready for college, the military or a career upon graduation.

But getting them to show up to school, every day, remains one of Brown鈥檚 top priorities. For example, absences are now tracked by a school division website , and Brown to the school that cuts down the most on absences every month. Still, chronic absenteeism remains above 20% at every Petersburg public school and is greater than 30% at a few.聽

The school board and superintendent also adopted to guide how it will improve student achievement and hiring qualified teachers, among other goals. At the same time, , its first in 50 years. 

A Petersburg City Public Schools spokeswoman said neither the superintendent nor any of the division鈥檚 five board members would answer questions for this article.

Before- and after-school options grew because of the partnership. Girls with Pearls and the broader services afforded by Communities in Schools remain. But another effort directly tied to helping Petersburg students academically was short-lived.

Guidera helped hash out an agreement with the school division to bring in a surge of tutors, including students from nearby colleges, to work with students in person. Done right, it鈥檚 the kind of strategy can effectively address learning loss 鈥� 鈥渉uge in Petersburg even before COVID,鈥� she said 鈥� and something Virginia throughout the commonwealth.聽

But the arrangement, started under a superintendent who has long since left, lasted just a single school year. Another tutoring program hasn鈥檛 gotten off the ground, though talks with the current schools chief are ongoing. 

Guidera also said the commonwealth’s oversight of schools in Petersburg, and elsewhere, was revamped so it is supportive, not punitive. 鈥淚t鈥檚 not shaming and blaming. It鈥檚 very much focused on what works, and how do we use data 鈥� as a flashlight rather than as a hammer to identify what鈥檚 working, and learn from that.鈥�

For Guidera, however, the truth is that Petersburg schools have not improved enough 鈥� 鈥渘ot as much as I want,鈥� she said. But she recognizes it will take time: 鈥淚t鈥檚 not going to be a finger snap.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Nevertheless, she thinks the intense investment of time and money was worthwhile.

鈥淭his is about partnership, community, relationships and building hope and using data.鈥�

The Texas State Board of Education on Friday adopted new social studies standards for the elementary and middle grades that take an America-first approach to history and feature Christianity more prominently than other faiths.聽

While standards for several high school courses were approved, the board postponed the final votes on U.S, Government, World History and World Geography.聽

In a separate vote, the board adopted a that includes biblical stories like Daniel and the lion鈥檚 den and passages from scripture, like the 23rd Psalm and excerpts from the Book of Exodus.

The Texas State Board of Education will vote Friday on a set of that have drawn fire and fervor for espousing pro-American views and Christian values. 

If approved, the vote would typically mark the beginning of a long, and probably divisive, process to design curriculum based on the standards. But 社区黑料 has learned that Education Commissioner Mike Morath jumpstarted the process a year ago, signing a $67 million contract with a Tampa-based consulting firm for a series of social studies instructional materials. The standards, with topics like the spread of Christianity and the role of religious freedom in America鈥檚 founding, dovetail with the controversial Bluebonnet reading program adopted in 2024, which also came under fire for the perception that it promoted Christian nationalism. A required reading list, including some biblical passages, is also scheduled for a Friday.

The contract, with MGT Impact Solutions, wasn鈥檛 accessible to the public for a year because the Texas Education Agency failed to submit it to the state legislature, as required by law, until April.

In a state where the education chief holds over schools, some board members feel left in the dark.

鈥淥f course, I had no idea,鈥� Staci Childs, a Democrat, told 社区黑料.

鈥淭hose agreements should be public knowledge,鈥� said Evelyn Brooks, a Republican. 鈥淭here should be a considerable amount of transparency because we’re dealing with public money.鈥�

Jake Kobersky, a spokesman for the agency, said MGT has been working from 鈥減ublicly available drafts鈥� of the new standards in preparation for the final approval. The contract wasn鈥檛 submitted to the legislature because officials 鈥渙riginally planned to award multiple contracts鈥� and were still negotiating with other vendors, he said. He declined to state whether officials made additional awards, but said the agency followed the standard contracting process. State law doesn鈥檛 require the board to approve requests for proposals or contracts.

鈥淭he State Board of Education has no role in this solicitation,鈥� he said.

The contract is the latest development in the state鈥檚 four-year quest to overhaul what students learn about history and government. In 2022, the board came close to . But like many red states, Texas had recently passed limiting classroom discussions on race and gender, and conservative groups argued the proposed standards were unpatriotic and violated the new law. The board voted to delay the revision until 2025. Now members have renewed the debate. call the standards 鈥渦nbalanced鈥� and say they lack diversity, while Republicans are pressuring the board not to dilute them with changes.

Kelsey Kling, a government relations specialist and policy analyst with Texas AFT, the teachers union, called the MGT contract 鈥渁 little bit of a cart-before-the-horse scenario.鈥�

鈥淚s this whole vote by the State Board of Education simply a formality for a curriculum that’s already been in the works?鈥� she asked. 

Supporters of the new standards, namely the powerful, right-wing Texas Public Policy Foundation, say they replace a vague in the current standards with a chronological study of history and would allow students to see how ideas and events build over time. 

But Democrats in and on have called for delaying Friday鈥檚 vote because the foundation paid the Texas Center at Schreiner University $70,000 to develop the standards. The center鈥檚 director, Donald Frazier, is a member of a on the rewrite. Robert Koons, a senior fellow at the foundation, is also an adviser.

鈥淕iven the scope and significance of this work, which impacts more than 5.5 million public school students across Texas, it is essential that the process remain transparent, objective, and free from undue influence,鈥� wrote the five Democrats on the 15-member board.

Brian Phillips, spokesman for the think tank, called the Democrats鈥� demand

Critics, like the American Historical Association, say the draft standards exclude major events throughout history from Africa, the Middle East and Asian countries, and minimize the effects of racism and the contributions of women. In April, the board deleted a standard that would require students to learn about Muslims鈥� role in developing astronomy and algebra.

But conservatives, like state Sen. Mayes Middleton, called the statements 鈥渁 clear victory for pro-America, pro-Texas education.鈥�

Students, he wrote in a letter to the board, must 鈥渞eceive an honest understanding of the ideologies and threats that shape the modern world, including the evils of Sharia law, the realities of Islamification, and the documented threat of Islamic terrorism.鈥�

Some in the state are frustrated with Morath鈥檚 outsized role, with support from Gov. Greg Abbott and the state鈥檚 GOP leaders, in directing what students learn. Critics say a top-down approach to curriculum is wrong for such a large, diverse state. 

State Rep. Gina Hinojosa, a Democrat running to unseat Abbott in November, said that if she wins, one of her first moves would be to , who has served for 10 years. 

鈥楶olitical interests鈥� 

But the legislature in 2023 to enter into contracts with groups like MGT to develop open educational resources and pay districts up to $60 per student if they adopt them. Morath argues the state-owned materials will improve test scores and ground students in 鈥渃lassic works,鈥� including the Bible, he told 社区黑料 in 2024. 

That was the process the state followed when it originally purchased reading materials from Amplify, a curriculum provider, during the pandemic. Under an $84 million contract with Public Consulting Group, a Boston-based firm, the state made sweeping changes to the program, adding biblical passages like the Prodigal Son and the story of Queen Esther. PCG brought in conservative groups, like Hillsdale College and a media company founded by Mike Huckabee, now ambassador to Israel, to work on the materials. 

Some educators argue that Bluebonnet has of the world with lessons on figures like King Solomon and say critics have overreacted to the biblical material. 

The Amarillo Independent School District is among those using the Bluebonnet reading program. Jennifer Wilkerson, assistant superintendent, said she appreciates that the social studies lessons will cover some of the same topics. 

But the top-to-botton revision of the social studies standards, with a planned 2030-31 roll out, was bound to attract controversy and, if adopted, will require major shifts for teachers.

鈥淎ny time you do a complete overhaul of standards, it begins to be about political interests and not about what’s best for kids,鈥� she said. She鈥檚 among the hundreds of educators, parents and advocates who have traveled to Austin to address the board. In April, she said, arguments over the standards 鈥済ot so intense, that there were shouting matches happening outside of the boardroom.鈥�

The temperature of the crowd was similar in 2024 when the board adopted Bluebonnet. And as with the MGT contract, board members were largely unaware the work was underway until the state unveiled drafts of the reading lessons. 

says that an agency can鈥檛 spend money on a contract over $10 million until it notifies the , which provides oversight of state government and develops budget recommendations. That notice is supposed to come within 15 days of when a contract is awarded. 

Whether the agency was still considering other bids 鈥渄oes not have an effect on determining when a contract is to be reported,鈥� said Dushyanth Reddivari, assistant general counsel and the communications officer for the budget board. 

A Texas Education Agency shows that as of Tuesday, the state has paid MGT over $1.8 million on the contract since Nov. 19.

Worth over , MGT has a big footprint in Texas and is represented in the legislature by Daniel Hodge, a who previously served as Abbott鈥檚 . The company has multiple contracts with state agencies and universities for projects ranging from economic impact studies to software services. In K-12 education, the firm specializes in . 

MGT directed questions about the contract to the state agency.

The contract, which includes work on multiple subjects, listed several organizations as potential subcontractors, including TNTP, a New York City-based nonprofit, and Success Academy Charter Schools. Ann Powell, a spokeswoman for Success Academy, said the network, also in New York, is not involved and didn鈥檛 know it was named in the contract. 

Kathryn Zielony, a spokeswoman for TNTP, said there鈥檚 a potential the organization could work on the project, 鈥渂ut there is currently no finalized contract in place.鈥�

Kobersky, the Texas Education Agency spokesman, said MGT is still in the 鈥減lanning phase.鈥�

But Rabbi Joshua Fixler, who has three children in the Houston schools, suggested one reason why supporters of the standards are adamant about the board rejecting any last-minute revisions is because the work is already under way. He spoke to the board on Monday with concerns about items related to Christianity in both the social studies standards and the reading list.

鈥淚f work is already happening behind the scenes using these proposed [standards] that haven鈥檛 even passed yet to build curriculum,鈥� he said, 鈥渋t would make sense that the message would be 鈥楧on’t change this.鈥� 鈥�

Rep. Suzanne Bonamici, a member of the House education committee, filed three articles of impeachment against McMahon, noting the secretary鈥檚 鈥渨illful intent to unilaterally dismantle and eliminate the Department of Education.鈥�

Bonamici a week ago, prompting a swift response from McMahon defending her track record.

鈥淚t speaks volumes that House Democrats think an impeachable offense is working to improve student outcomes and reduce the federal bureaucracy,鈥� she .

The resolution accuses McMahon of compromising the ability of the department to fulfill its duties. That鈥檚 also the conclusion that the department鈥檚 Inspector General reached in released Wednesday detailing how the administration has slashed the agency鈥檚 staff by 40% and canceled billions of dollars in grants and contracts. 

McMahon has been forced to backtrack. The department currently has several job openings posted, including and .

Democrats have introduced articles of impeachment against multiple members of President Donald Trump鈥檚 cabinet, including Health and Human Services Secretary and Defense Secretary . But historically the attempts have rarely succeeded. Two years ago, the House impeached Biden Homeland Security for what members said was a failure to stop migrants from crossing the border, but the Senate dismissed the two articles against him.  Before him, the last cabinet member to be impeached was William W. Belknap, secretary of war under President Ulysses S. Grant, on , in 1876. 

Critics of Betsy DeVos, Trump鈥檚 first education secretary, called for her to and some groups advocating impeachment. But lawmakers never took formal steps to do so. A federal judge, however, held her in 2019 and fined her $100,000 when she continued student debt collections in violation of a court order. The department .

While some Republicans have also been critical of McMahon, Rep. Tim Walberg, the Michigan Republican who chairs the education committee, called the action 鈥減olitical theater.鈥�

鈥淪ecretary McMahon is doing exactly what voters elected President Trump to do: rein in a bloated bureaucracy and put students, parents, and taxpayers first,鈥� he said in a statement.

The effort is also largely 鈥渟ymbolic鈥� and unlikely to succeed, said Jeffrey Henig, a professor emeritus at Teachers College, Columbia University. 

鈥淪ymbolism can be important, and a case can be made for using this as a way to draw attention to the dismantling of the department,鈥� he said.

The resolution says McMahon has 鈥渄ecimated鈥� the agency and 鈥渃reated a culture of fear and chaos鈥� that has harmed education programs.

Specifically, the articles of impeachment are:

1. Willful and systemic refusal to comply with the law

The text cites McMahon鈥檚 actions to transfer responsibilities, which under law rest with the Education Department, to other agencies. Just last week, she announced that the office overseeing special education would move to the Department of Health and Human Services and the Office of Civil Rights would transfer to the Justice Department.

2. False statements before Congress

The resolution accuses McMahon of lying to Congress during her confirmation hearing that she would follow the law in disbursing education funds appropriated by Congress. Instead, the text reads, she has defended the cancellation of several research contracts and discontinued grants for programs like community schools.

3. Breach of public trust

Again focusing on funding, the resolution states that the administration held up payments for services like migrant education and afterschool care and put 鈥渃ritical鈥� K-12 programs at risk.

Bonamici said parents, especially those of students with disabilities are “distraught” over splitting up the department. “They are asking us to take action to stop these illegal transfers,” she said. “To them I say, ‘We hear you.’ “

Michael Petrilli, president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a conservative think tank, suggested McMahon鈥檚 actions aren鈥檛 grounds for impeachment.

鈥淭he race to the bottom continues, in this case regarding the definition of 鈥榟igh crimes and misdemeanors,鈥� ” he said. 鈥淭his is just politics, but I can appreciate that Congressional Democrats don’t feel like they have any other recourse right now.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

That gave her an idea.

The staff at Legacy Prep built a three-week summer schedule around the theme of 鈥淟ights, Camera, Action,鈥� blending drama, music and dance, culminating in a final performance. But between learning choreography and exploring careers related to content creation, students this month are spending three hours a day polishing the math and reading skills they鈥檒l need for next school year.  

After three years of the program, Johnson sees more confidence in kids when they come back in the fall and considers it one of the reasons why Legacy Prep鈥檚 elementary school went from a D to on the state report card.

鈥淥ur test scores were in the tank,鈥� she said. During summer school, 鈥渙ur kids have more time to talk to the teacher. They know what they need to focus on.鈥�

It鈥檚 a model that prevents what鈥檚 known as the summer slide, not just at Legacy Prep, but at nearly 460 charter schools in seven cities. Standardized assessments show that over 39,000 students in gained, on average, nearly a month more learning in math and two and a half extra weeks in English language arts, according to a new study. While the growth is significant, the fact that the study found improvement across so many sites makes the findings stand out even more, said Geoffrey Borman, a researcher at Arizona State University who led the study.

鈥淎 key thing to keep in mind is the scale at which these impacts are being made,鈥� he said. 鈥淲e’re talking, in this case, about tens of thousands of students per year.鈥�

In education research, he added, there are examples of small, 鈥渙ne-off efforts鈥� that produced 鈥済roundbreaking impacts.鈥� But those effects often fade when a program 鈥� high-dosage tutoring, for example 鈥� expands to more students and locations. 

Bloomberg Philanthropies, founded by former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, spent $50 million to launch Summer Boost in 2022 to from academic decline during the pandemic. The program served over 16,000 students that year in New York City and has since spread to six more cities, including Baltimore, Nashville and San Antonio.

Students retained the skills and material they learned into the next school year, even though they often didn鈥檛 take follow-up tests, either i-Ready or NWEA鈥檚 MAP tests, until months after the summer program ended.

鈥淭hese kids are going back to school better prepared to engage in instruction and benefit from it,鈥� Borman said.

The study design didn鈥檛 include a comparison group, but the researchers looked at whether scores were higher than what they would have predicted if students hadn鈥檛 attended the program.

The positive effects in math are similar to what the when it studied summer learning programs in five urban districts, several years before the pandemic. The Rand sample, however, was much smaller, about 5,000 kids, and the researchers found no improvement in reading, attendance or social-emotional skills.

In another study, after the COVID-era school closures, a team from Harvard, NWEA and the Center for Analysis of Longitudinal Data in Education Research examined the use of federal relief funds for in 10 districts, serving nearly 450,000 students. Students gained two to three weeks of learning in math on MAP tests, but as with the Rand study, the researchers saw no impact on students鈥� reading skills. 

In the Arizona State study, Borman noted that because students often lose more math than reading skills when they鈥檙e out of school, a summer program can have a bigger impact in math. 

The expectation that sites prioritize phonics-based instruction, a shift that has picked up momentum since the pandemic, may help explain why students in Summer Boost made gains in reading when the earlier studies didn鈥檛 find impacts on literacy, said Harvard University researcher Thomas Kane, who served as an adviser on the Summer Boost study. 

Small classes also contributed to the reading gains, Borman wrote. The results were weaker when class sizes exceeded 21 students.

Consistent student attendance, a rate of at least 70%, matters as well. It鈥檚 a principle Summer Boost reinforces by holding back 30% of the funding to sites until the program is over. Students exceeded the target with a 75% rate last year. 

鈥淭he more kids attend, clearly, the better they perform,鈥� Borman said. 鈥淭his is something that has been a problem with a lot of summer school programming in the past.鈥�

鈥楾he big question鈥� 

The findings clarify what it takes to run an effective summer learning program. But districts no longer have federal COVID funds to spend on summer school. Foundation funds, like those for Summer Boost, are limited.

鈥淭he big question is how to sustain summer learning programs now that the federal [relief] funding has lapsed,鈥� Kane said. 

One source will likely be the new federal education tax credit, he said. Advocacy organizations like the Afterschool Alliance are to form scholarship-granting organizations that focus on public school students. 

In Alabama, districts are already required under state law to offer summer instruction for students who are significantly behind in and . But the $29,000 Legacy Prep received from the state would have only been enough to pay three teachers, Johnson said. Without the $200,000 Summer Boost grant from Bloomberg, she would have had to narrow the focus of the program to third graders who needed to pass the state reading test to advance to fourth grade. 

She found, however, that just reaching the proficiency level at the end of third grade doesn鈥檛 mean kids are strong enough readers and writers to tackle challenging material. The Bloomberg grant allowed the school to hire 12 teachers. 

On a Thursday morning earlier this month, the school was busy with activity as younger students worked on reading and math skills while middle schoolers danced to a hip-hop beat in the gym. After lunch, they switched. 

Using that鈥檚 specially designed for a compressed summer schedule, teacher JaMeshia Moore worked with rising first graders on words they should learn by sight. She wrote 鈥渂ecause鈥� on the board, carefully demonstrating where each lowercase letter should fit on the lined pages in their workbooks. In math, students worked out subtraction problems by hand, using small strips of paper that represent hundreds, tens and ones. 

Before opening enrollment to all Legacy Prep families, Johnson prioritizes students who are significantly behind and often need one-on-one instruction to catch up. The research showed that students who often fall below grade level 鈥� English learners, those from low-income families and kids with disabilities 鈥� benefitted the most from the program. They gained over four weeks of learning in math, compared to three and a half weeks for the overall sample. 

At Legacy Prep, the staff works just as hard to make sure students attend as they do during the regular school year. They call students if they鈥檙e absent, and for the first time this year, Johnson offered door-to-door bus service if students needed it. Some students come from as far as Huntsville, roughly an hour and a half away. 

Daniel Runner, a rising eighth grader, said he hoped to get some extra help on percentages, while Malaysia Speight said she didn鈥檛 have a lot of choice over whether to attend.

鈥淢y aunt said that me and my sister were not going to be sitting around in the house all summer,鈥� she said. 

But she was drawn to the line up of activities, like learning how a storyboard illustrates the scenes that make up a film and the chance to work with professional musicians. The Summer Boost grant paid for the artists鈥� involvement as well as special T-shirts, a field trip to a local theater and a red carpet awards show. 

The academic and attendance requirements combined with the flexibility for schools to design an engaging program is why Bloomberg Philanthropies has seen a positive return on its investment, said Sunny Larson, who leads K-12 programs for the foundation.

鈥淲e really need to do everything we can to catch back up to where we need to be,鈥� she said. 鈥淏eyond that, we didn’t want to be too prescriptive. We really wanted to leave a lot of flexibility, creativity and ingenuity up to those individual schools.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

On Thursday morning, Kenyan McDuffie聽, effectively clearing the way for Democrat Janeese Lewis George to become the city’s next mayor.

The Associated Press had not formally declared a victor as ballots continue to be counted under the District’s new ranked-choice voting system. But Lewis George maintained a substantial lead, and McDuffie acknowledged that the remaining votes were unlikely to change the outcome.

The result marks a significant turning point for a school system that has been governed by Mayor Muriel Bowser for more than a decade. For education advocates, Lewis George’s victory raises new questions about the future of a reform agenda that has driven notable gains in student achievement during that聽time. The Democratic nominee has proposed some changes to school governance 鈥� including an聽end to the IMPACT teacher evaluation system, as well as a move toward greater independence for the superintendent’s office 鈥� and her breakthrough suggests that voters are willing to embrace a broader shift in political leadership.

Correction appended June 16

The mayor鈥檚 race in Washington, D.C., technically won鈥檛 be settled until this fall. But on Tuesday night, the winner of the Democratic primary will assume presumptive leadership over a school system educating nearly 100,000 students.

That expectation is a function of sheer partisanship: Over 90% of local voters , opening a wide path for the party鈥檚 nominee to march to City Hall in November. But the road ahead for public education is much less certain. After nearly two decades of outstanding growth in both student enrollment and academic outcomes, as well as 12 years of leadership from a largely consensus-minded incumbent, the next mayor will need to provide answers to a range of new problems afflicting K鈥�12 schools.

The District鈥檚 long economic expansion of the 2000s and 2010s, which drew into its orbit, finally stalled in the face of federal job cuts and a pandemic-fueled flight from the urban core. Combined with a decline in birth rates, the slump has caused the student rolls to go negative for the first time in recent memory 鈥� just as on the horizon. Even a promising recovery from post-COVID learning loss is imperiled by a collapse in daily attendance, with missing one-tenth of the school year or more.

The two leading candidates to succeed Mayor Muriel Bowser are widely seen as ideological opposites. Attorney Kenyan McDuffie has courted business groups with a moderate pitch to bring down crime and avoid overextending city finances. Janeese Lewis George, a city councilor and self-described democratic socialist, won over the Left with a huge proposal to offer subsidized to all Washington families.

The broader clash in visions 鈥� playing out in the national Democratic Party 鈥� is overshadowing a K鈥�12 debate that could be more consequential in the long run. signal continuity with foundational policies enacted in the hard-charging reform period of the 2000s, including direct mayoral control over schools and holding teachers and schools accountable for student performance. Lewis George has issued a subtle challenge to that settlement, voicing a desire to grant education leaders more independence from the mayor鈥檚 office and scrap a framework.

The progressive favorite鈥檚 eagerness to break from the status quo secured the support of the Washington Teachers Union, which has long sought to de-emphasize teacher quality metrics and win more bargaining latitude for its members. WTU President Laura Fuchs, a frequent critic of the leadership of both District of Columbia Public Schools and D.C. charter schools, said teachers 鈥渨orked very hard to minimize the harm鈥� imposed by top-down reforms. Under Lewis George, she argued, educators would enjoy much better relations with city leaders.

鈥淲e do believe we will have a much friendlier and more listening ear鈥� with Lewis George in power, Fuchs said, while adding that she did not believe the candidate would necessarily supply every item on the union鈥檚 wish list. 鈥淲hat Janeese represents, in so many ways, is that she takes us seriously and believes that we are partners.鈥�

Neither of the two contenders could be reached for comment for this article. But the differences between them highlight a fissure in their party that has widened since the Obama-era peak of ambitious experimentation in public schools. Washington has seen some of the in student achievement of any American school district in this century, with student test scores climbing persistently during a time when they were stagnant almost everywhere else. But national Democrats have made little hay about the generational gains, which have attracted fewer boosters and national headlines than similar turnarounds in red states. 

Thomas Toch, director of Georgetown University鈥檚 FutureEd research institute and a defender of the District鈥檚 model of educational improvement, called the city鈥檚 approach 鈥渁 beacon nationally鈥� and warned against a change in direction.

鈥淚t is one of the most important reform success stories in the country, in part because the city has continued to do well by its students for a long time,鈥� Toch said. 鈥淭he leaders have sustained the reforms, and the reforms continue to make a difference for students.鈥�

Michelle Rhee鈥檚 legacy

When Toch and others refer to 鈥渢he reforms,鈥� they are largely describing a package of policies that began in 2007, when Mayor Adrian Fenty overhauled school governance in what was then one of the lowest-performing urban districts in the country.

Virtually overnight, the governance of DCPS was transferred to Fenty himself, who also wielded substantial influence over a rapidly growing charter school sector. His hand-picked schools chancellor, Michelle Rhee, soon rolled out a new evaluation system known as IMPACT, which ranked teachers based on their students鈥� test scores; top performers received hefty raises, while .

The groundswell seemed to crest in November 2008, with Rhee posing for in Time magazine and president-elect Barack Obama embracing a similar suite of K鈥�12 recommendations in his national agenda. But Washingtonians grew weary of the pace of change, including the that received failing grades, and turned the mayor out of office.

But his successor, a reform critic who challenged Fenty , surprised many by opting away from a course correction. After another 鈥� particularly alienating to some parents in the wake of a 鈥� voters again soured on their leadership, selecting Muriel Bowser as the city鈥檚 mayor and reelecting her twice.

Part of Bowser鈥檚 success may lie in the public鈥檚 in local schools. While the tumult over the initial reforms quickly stirred anger, subsequent data on student learning has proven highly favorable.

Findings from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (a federal exam commonly known as the Nation鈥檚 Report Card) show that D.C. fourth and eighth graders comparable to virtually any other major city between 2003 and 2019. A 2021 by the research group Mathematica estimated that Washington鈥檚 ascent through the 2010s was comparable to the massive leap made by New Orleans schools in the wake of the district鈥檚 post-Katrina restructuring.

While the pandemic pushed achievement downward for a time, local testing from the past few years shows that year-over-year academic progress since the COVID nadir preceding the public health emergency. The Education Scorecard, a data project led by scholars at Dartmouth, Harvard, and Stanford, that DCPS schools saw the fastest recovery of those in any city between 2022 and 2025.

Chelsea Coffin, and education policy specialist for the D.C. Policy Center, called the latest round of state assessments 鈥渁 very good sign for D.C. students.鈥�

鈥淲hat we saw last school year were really large gains 鈥� even compared to what D.C. had been posting pre-pandemic 鈥� in both math and English, across almost all wards and most major subgroups,鈥� Coffin said. 鈥淒.C. has a long way to go in terms of all students being on grade-level, but this new forward momentum is really exciting.鈥�

David Grosso, a former city councilor who chaired the body鈥檚 education committee between 2015 and 2020, said in an interview that the stream of good news has mostly quieted the consternation that greeted Fenty and Rhee鈥檚 dramatic shakeup.

At the time of his election, Grosso recalled, 鈥減eople were clamoring for success right off the bat. After five years of reform, they were asking, ‘Why aren’t our schools all better?’ The challenge was to explain to people that when you have 100 years of bad schools, you can’t turn it around in five years.鈥�

Teacher evaluations under fire

But dissatisfaction has lingered among detractors of the reform regime, none more energetic than the Washington Teachers Union. 

Pointing to the District鈥檚 , which have exceeded 20 percent in some years, the WTU鈥檚 leaders lay the blame with IMPACT. Fuchs dismissed the evaluation system as 鈥渁 tool of control,鈥� saying that it mandated an overreliance on testing and made teachers fear for their livelihoods. 

鈥淎ny time they find the union finding a quote-unquote ‘loophole,’ so people could keep their jobs, they cut it off,鈥� Fuchs remarked. 鈥淎nything that gives teachers a little bit of power or wiggle room, they cut it off.鈥�

Indeed, refinements to IMPACT have been ongoing since its debut. led to over 20 instructors being ranked lower than they deserved in 2013, denying bonus payments to several and resulting in one mistaken termination. More recently, DCPS officials intended, in part, to combat perceptions that evaluations . 

Echoing some of these complaints, Lewis George has declared that she will end IMPACT if elected. In circulated by WTU, she claimed the system 鈥渦ndermines educators鈥� expertise and students鈥� joy of learning.鈥� While committing to retain mayoral control, she has also suggested that she will transform Washington鈥檚 office of the superintendent into an independent agency 鈥� an idea that could lead to less direct oversight over student data and standards, .

Ongoing resistance from the union and its allies may help to illustrate the somewhat muted response to D.C.鈥檚 positive trajectory. While states like Mississippi and Louisiana have emerged as widely cited examples of educational success in deeply conservative locales, Democrats are less likely to harp on the consistent growth attained in the single bluest jurisdiction in the country. Toch said the critiques of progressives and unionized workers now make the story an awkward fit with the party鈥檚 national profile.

Still, he added, it would be a profound mistake to walk away from teacher ratings, even if IMPACT could potentially benefit from tweaks. The data organized through the rubric provided the 鈥渇oundation鈥� for many other workforce improvements realized in recent years, including the opening of new leadership opportunities for teachers receiving good ratings.

鈥淚t’s discouraging to hear someone even consider abandoning it,鈥� Toch said. 鈥淗ow would you do pay-for-performance? How would you create a career ladder if you couldn’t distinguish between good teachers and bad teachers? That’s the problem we had in the District in the past, and it still exists in much of the country.鈥�

Whether Lewis George or McDuffie ultimately claims the Democratic nomination, the next mayor will have to navigate structural challenges that go beyond old battles around reform. The city faces mounting budgetary shortfalls that threaten its ability to spend at the level to which both charter and district schools have become accustomed.

Funding for school renovations and new academic programs will likely need to wait until the District鈥檚 financial picture adapts to a post-COVID, post-Trump reality in which both businesses and the federal government have shrunk their local presence. Even the pay incentives provided through IMPACT add to the fiscal pressure.

Bisi Oydele is the CEO of Education Forward D.C., a reform-friendly advocacy group. While stressing the need to pursue retrenchment equally, among both DCPS and charter providers, he acknowledged that educators and families might have to prepare for leaner times.

鈥淵ou can track the CFO revenue projections, and they’re not great,鈥� Oyedele said. 鈥淒.C. spends about $2 billion on education per year, and that is obviously tied to revenues and economic forecasts.鈥�

Grosso also noted the long set of issues that the mayor and city council will confront through the end of the decade, including the likely need for schools to tighten their belts and the immediate task of finding a replacement for outgoing Chancellor Lewis Ferebee, who announced his resignation last month. 

Amid that flurry of contingencies, he cautioned policymakers against pursuing 鈥渞eform for reform鈥檚 sake.鈥� While he had previously pursued some major policy changes through the Council 鈥� including one resembling Lewis George鈥檚 notion of making the superintendency more autonomous 鈥� such moves needed to be carefully studied before action was taken, he concluded.

鈥淚f I didn’t learn anything else in all the years I was making education policy, at least I learned this: If you make massive changes鈥� and you don’t have a real understanding of what the outcome will be, then you shouldn’t make the change.鈥�

Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly identified the first female mayor of Washington, D.C.

But over 40% of those planning to launch new schools in the coming years are Black, according to the latest national report on the growing sector of small, unconventional learning programs. Just 18% of current school founders are Black.

New leaders include Monette Mottenon, a retired educator who will open in Montgomery, Alabama, this summer. It鈥檚 a goal she鈥檚 had for 15 years, ever since realizing her middle schoolers would 鈥渂omb the test鈥� because they could barely read.

鈥淭hey knew the material, but they couldn’t understand what the questions were asking,鈥� she said. When she learned more about microschools at a conference in Atlanta, she thought, 鈥淚 have found my people.鈥�

The National Microschooling Center鈥檚 annual update also shows that a slightly higher percentage of Asian and Hispanic leaders plan to open microschools. The latest analysis doesn鈥檛 include the racial and ethnic makeup of students served, but Don Soifer, the center鈥檚 CEO, plans to gather that data in the future. 

Microschools are 鈥渟hifting to more closely reflect the communities in which they operate,鈥� he said. One reason is because 鈥渓eadership positions for educators of color are lacking in many communities and states.鈥�

The report, based on a survey of 1,000 microschools in all 50 states, the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico, also covers topics such as tuition, enrollment and government regulations. Here are some of the other top findings:

Half of all microschools receive more than a quarter of their tuition funds from state private school choice programs.

That鈥檚 a big increase over last year, when 38% of microschool leaders said their students use state school choice funds, like education savings accounts. Another 18% said they have students who use an ESA for a portion of tuition and pay the rest themselves.

Soifer attributed the jump to the proliferation of ESA programs like , which went into effect this school year, and the addition of more survey respondents in states with existing ESA programs.

Next year, the percentage could be even higher. Texas鈥� program launches this fall. In addition, during this year鈥檚 legislative season, a restriction on microschools participating in the state鈥檚 private school choice program. 

In South Carolina, however, some families are in limbo. The state has allowed one segment of homeschoolers, known as 鈥渦nbundlers,鈥� to receive ESA funds. These families often supplement homeschooling with a couple days a week in a microschool. But lawmakers are that would lock unbundlers out of the program. Some homeschool advocates, worried about government involvement in homeschooling, pushed for that provision in the law. 

Over 1,000 families are now 鈥渆agerly waiting and wondering鈥� what the legislature will do, said Ryan Dellinger, director of education policy at the Palmetto Promise Institute, a school choice advocacy group. If the proposal passes, the unbundlers might be restricted to homeschooling only or 鈥渕ay need to scramble to get themselves on a waiting list and find a private school or a charter school鈥� for the fall, he said. 

Future microschool leaders are heavily focused on nonacademic learning.

In a subsample of 199 鈥減relaunch鈥� founders, 172 said their greatest hope for students is growth in nonacademic learning. Specific skills might depend on the school鈥檚 model, Soifer said, but would likely range from self-management and social awareness to resilience and workforce readiness. That category was followed by 163 who said students鈥� academic proficiency or mastery was their top goal. 

A from the center last December highlighted a few schools using online platforms, such as IXL and i-Ready, to track progress.

But the field still lacks independent comparisons between microschool students and their peers in traditional schools. Last year, the Rand Corp. said it was 鈥渘early impossible鈥� to measure the impact of attending a microschool on students鈥� academic outcomes. A lot of schools didn鈥檛 have enough assessment data to determine growth in reading and math over time.

1 in 5 microschools have been open at least six years.

The largest share, 45%, have been in operation for three to five years. While the movement exploded during the pandemic, the numbers show that the small programs are more than a short-term solution to a crisis. 

The Success Center, operating out of a former courthouse in South Carolina鈥檚 Lowcountry, began as a tutoring service and expanded to offer a microschool when COVID hit. Joining the state鈥檚 independent school association was a way to 鈥渁void looking like we just put out a shingle,鈥� said Alicia Dickerson, who co-founded the program with her husband Doug. 

The small schools can also form close relationships with families, which contribute to a longer lifespan for a program, Alicia said. According to the report, the majority of current microschool leaders, 70%, said they expect to operate for 10 years or more.

Those who have closed their microschools are staying in the business.

Microschools shut down for a variety of reasons. The lease on a facility might run out, or the founders鈥� children age out of the program, Soifer said. 

Some leaders lack the skills to run a business, said Allison Serafin, vice president of the Building Hope Impact Fund, which offers loans and financial tools to founders. Tasks like budgeting, invoicing and getting business insurance are time-consuming, she said, 鈥渂ut they make the business durable.鈥�

But 78% of former microschool leaders said they鈥檙e still part of the movement.

With a background in management consulting, Sheila Banister didn鈥檛 struggle with the administrative aspects of the microschool she co-launched in the Huntsville, Alabama, area during the pandemic. But there were other rough patches.

鈥淚t’s definitely a challenge finding a teacher who is willing to teach in this type of environment because it’s so different from public school,鈥� she said. The teacher they hired had experience in early childhood, but lacked the skills to teach higher-level math skills to older students. 

Banister鈥檚 expectations for the program also didn鈥檛 line up with those of the other parents who co-founded the school. 

鈥淚 think they wanted more of a co-op experience, not necessarily focused on academic growth,鈥� Banister said.

They decided to discontinue the program at the end of this school year. But Banister said she still believes in the microschool approach. She leads the state鈥檚 affiliate of Love Your School, a nonprofit school choice advocacy organization that began in Arizona, and coaches prospective founders on administrative aspects of the business, like how to incorporate.

Like many former microschool leaders, she said opening another one is 鈥渘ot off the table.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Public microschools are bigger than private ones.

The median number of students attending private microschools is 20. But with more districts and charter schools launching small, individualized programs, this year鈥檚 report notes that the median enrollment figure for public microschools is 30. 

There鈥檚 growing interest from public school leaders in opening microschools. Some examples include in Middletown, New York, in the Hudson Valley region, and a new in the Elizabeth City-Pasquotank district in North Carolina. But Soifer said it鈥檚 too early to get an accurate count. 

The Eastern Hancock district, in a rural community outside Indianapolis, enrolled 62 students in Nature鈥檚 Gift Microschool this school year, with 140 students on a waitlist. Several more public microschools will launch across Indiana this fall, and Superintendent George Philhower said he鈥檚 鈥渋n discussions鈥� about creating a multi-state collaborative.

The term microschool, he said, has more to do with a 鈥渕indset鈥� that emphasizes personalization and flexibility than with a specific enrollment number.

93 hours per year 鈥� that鈥檚 the average amount of time microschool leaders spend on compliance issues.

Getting government approval, whether that鈥檚 obtaining a business license or passing an inspection, takes up about 20% of that time, the respondents said. Business permits, zoning and facility regulations, and fire or safety code requirements top the regulatory categories that microschool leaders would like to see eliminated.

While standardized test requirements and ESA reporting rules only apply to some microschools, 8% of founders said they would like to see these requirements go away. 

School choice advocates argue that state and local laws haven鈥檛 kept up with the . The Institute for Justice, for example, which has won major school choice cases before the U.S. Supreme Court, also provides legal assistance to microschool founders originally meant for traditional schools.  

of the movement say those rules exist to protect students and that if microschools receive ESA funds, the public should know how the money is spent and whether children are learning.

Some states have tried to make it easier for founders to open and operate. Because of a legislative change this year, microschools registered as private schools will be able to operate out of former churches, libraries or other community facilities without getting zoning changes or making facility improvements. 

But many other jurisdictions require extensive renovations to run a school during the week in the same church classrooms used for Sunday school, Serafin said. 

鈥淟ife safety is critical, no argument there,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut I’m not sure the International Building Code leaders or local planning commissions envisioned a world of 20- to 50-student schools.鈥�

Historically, those are the three pots of funding districts have relied on to educate America鈥檚 students. One of the nation鈥檚 leading school finance experts says leaders should start planning for a fourth 鈥� the new from the IRS.

Advocates for the program, which Congress passed last year as part of President Donald Trump鈥檚 One Big Beautiful Bill Act, have promoted it as a way to expand for parents who want to leave public schools. But according to Marguerite Roza, director of Georgetown University鈥檚 Edunomics Lab, district schools could also be big winners.

Under the program, which kicks in next year, taxpayers will get a dollar-for-dollar credit, up to $1,700, if they donate to a scholarship granting organization. Just like an SGO can provide scholarships to private and religious schools, another could direct awards to kids in district schools.

鈥淕iven that 90% of the kids in our country, and their families, have attended public schools,鈥� Roza said during 鈥渢hese SGOs could have 鈥roader appeal, to the average taxpayer.鈥�

The Treasury Department further confirmed that public school students will be eligible for scholarship funds during a Tuesday with advocates, according to reporting from the New York Times. The agency is still finalizing rules for the program, and states that opt in [] will have to approve a list of SGOs to accept donations. With the vast majority of U.S. K-12 students eligible for the scholarships, a variety of organizations, like the , have already envisioned how the tax credit could support public school kids who need afterschool and summer learning programs. Chad Aldeman, an education analyst and frequent contributor for 社区黑料, , including public school foundations, to become SGOs. 

But some who oppose the program warn that districts shouldn鈥檛 get their hopes up, arguing that the Trump administration鈥檚 ultimate goal is to weaken public schools.

The federal tax credit 鈥渨ill give tax money that should be used on public goods, like public education, to unregulated SGOs to fund mostly private school tuition and other private education expenses,鈥� Jessica Levin, litigation director for the Education Law Center, said during .

She suggested that it鈥檚 unrealistic to expect the administration to make it easy for public school students to benefit from the program 鈥渘ow that they finally achieved their dream of a federal voucher law.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Cecilia Retelle Zywicki, founder of LearningSpring, which is building a system for states to track SGOs and payments, attended the closed-door meeting at Treasury Tuesday. While excited about the prospects for helping more students, she urged caution until the administration releases rules for the program later this year.

鈥淭his is big, and represents a lot of opportunity for a lot of people,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut this means the details matter. Compliance and accountability are paramount. It’s exciting, but requires outstanding management and unbiased information.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

鈥楳aximize those dollars鈥�

Before Congress passed the law that included the new tax credit, organizations supporting public schools worked hard to stop it. In March 2025, Sasha Pudelski, director of advocacy for AASA, the School Superintendents Association, the 鈥済reatest threat to public education we鈥檝e ever had at the federal level.鈥� She noted how private schools accepting scholarships would be able to discriminate in admissions based on students鈥� religion, disabilities or academic performance.

But the potential for public school kids to benefit is one reason Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, a Democrat, opted into the program. Gov. Kathy Hochul in New York, also a Democrat, plans to participate as well.聽

Scott Smith, chief financial and operating officer in the Cherry Creek district, southeast of Denver, is among those who have been skeptical that the tax credit will be a windfall for public schools. 

鈥淭his administration has shown that it doesn’t support traditional public education,鈥� he said. But he鈥檚 still hopeful, and said across the district鈥檚 70 schools, there is uneven access to opportunities like summer camps and afterschool enrichment. 鈥淚f the rules get written in such a way that allow public schools to benefit, we will most certainly do everything we can to maximize those dollars and invest them into the students who need them the most.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

The tax credit will pay for a broad range of , including supplies, fees, field trips, uniforms and digital devices 鈥� a lot of the items that public education foundations already provide to supplement district budgets across the country, said Mike Taylor, CEO of the National Association of Education Foundations. 

Many public school districts currently charge tuition for students who live outside of their boundaries. A district, Taylor said, could accept more of those students through scholarships. 

There has been 鈥渁 sea change鈥� in attitudes toward the program, he said. 鈥淚t鈥檚 happening, and we鈥檙e going to make sure we take advantage of this.鈥�

Even Josh Cowen, one of the nation鈥檚 most outspoken voucher critics, , 鈥淚t鈥檚 important to squeeze every dollar out of the new federal scholarship tax credit for public school families.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

He urged nonprofits to learn from the well-established SGOs supporting private schools and said he wouldn鈥檛 鈥溾�� public school supporters if they need guidance on how to use this new 鈥渞evenue stream.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

At least one group, which worked to expand internet access in schools and students鈥� homes, has already reinvented itself as an SGO. plans to deliver scholarships for high-quality literacy tutoring to kids nationwide who enter first grade off track in reading. 

鈥淭his is the pathway to take tutoring to scale in public school,鈥� said Evan Marwell, the organization鈥檚 founder and CEO. The challenge is getting taxpayers without kids in public schools to donate, but he thinks he has the right approach. 鈥淎 message of 鈥楢merica has a reading crisis, this is our way to fix it and here’s the evidence that shows it works鈥� is going to be incredibly compelling.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

After the legislation passed, he began meeting with governors in both red and blue states to encourage them to add his organization to their approved SGO lists. He said it was clear they all care about improving literacy, but existing states and districts can鈥檛 afford to provide tutoring to all the students who need it. 

Roza described a more expansive scenario in which a district would set a price on a 鈥渂undled set of enhanced services鈥� for every student, not just those with specific needs.

That bundle, funded by an SGO, might include field trips, a robotics lab or special assemblies 鈥� offerings that go above and beyond the basic education that schools are legally required to provide. She doesn鈥檛 think it would be hard for district leaders to convince local taxpayers to donate to an SGO that would direct scholarships to students in a specific district. 

“Donating a portion of your federal taxes to our SGO helps us go beyond the bare minimum to better serve our students,鈥� is one pitch a school board might make to the community, she said.

鈥楩inancial gaps鈥�

Levin, with the Education Law Center, slammed the idea and said it鈥檚 wrong for districts to start charging parents for things that they don鈥檛 already pay for. The logistics of offering such a 鈥減remium package,鈥� she added, would be difficult for districts to manage. 

鈥淭here are way too many variables for public schools to try to control,鈥� she said, including the SGO raising enough every year to cover all students and ensuring parents apply for the scholarships.

Others wonder if district-focused SGOs would attract major donations in some communities, but not others 鈥� similar to cases in which PTAs in wealthier districts can collect enough donations for facility upgrades and while others can only raise enough for small grants to fund teachers or field trips.

鈥淭axpayers are most likely to fund an SGO that directly benefits their own school district,鈥� said Katie Roy, executive director of the . An acronym for Strategic Public Education National Data, the new effort aims to preserve and collect education finance information after the many large surveys. 鈥淭he benefits of these tax credits 鈥� and the resulting funding 鈥� are poised to flow primarily toward more affluent school districts, potentially widening existing financial gaps between schools.鈥�

To take advantage of the full $1,700 credit on their income taxes, a donor must have that much to contribute to an SGO each year. In lower-income communities, many residents don鈥檛 earn enough to .

But the extent to which an SGO can narrow its scholarship eligibility to students in specific schools or districts will depend on the rules the Treasury Department sets for the program, said Kristin Blagg, a principal research associate at the Urban Institute, a left-learning think tank. 

鈥淔or those seeking to develop an SGO, I’d imagine it’s difficult to plan for the future without knowing what those federal regulatory guardrails are,鈥� she said, 鈥渁nd what additional guardrails, if any, a host state may be able to impose.鈥�

Newly released data from America鈥檚 longest-running measure of student learning have delivered a decidedly split verdict on the state of schools.

Math and reading scores from the 鈥淟ong-Term Trends鈥� edition of the National Assessment of Educational Progress 鈥� a federally administered test commonly referred to as the Nation鈥檚 Report Card 鈥� offer some of the first proof of recovery from COVID-era learning loss, with the average 9-year-old improving by 4 points since 2022. Surprisingly, those gains were driven in large measure by struggling students, who enjoyed their first major leap in several decades. 

But 13-year-olds made no similar progress, with scores in both subjects flat or declining for virtually every demographic group. Average performance in reading for these students was no higher than in 1971, when the exam was first conducted.

The differing trajectories underline a critical split among U.S. pupils in 2026. The youngest test takers were still in preschool when COVID-19 emerged, and largely avoided the most severe educational consequences of the public health emergency. But today鈥檚 middle schoolers were second- and third-graders at the beginning of the pandemic, which led to several years of school closures and virtual instruction in many areas of the country. As this micro-generation of children proceeds through their K鈥�12 careers, they bear the scars of that upheaval.

Kirsten Baesler, who leads the Office of Elementary and Secondary Education at the U.S. Department of Education, said she was 鈥渧ery excited鈥� by the progress made by 9-year-olds, while adding that the prolonged stagnation experienced by teenagers was somewhat predictable.

鈥淭hey were in some of their most formative years of both literacy and numeracy [at the onset of the pandemic], and it was a seismic event,鈥� she said in an interview. 鈥淚t鈥檚 going to take equally seismic effort to ensure that those students are coming back to where they need to be.鈥�

Learning recession

Others placed the downturn on a timeline extending much earlier than 2020. John White, Louisiana鈥檚 former state superintendent for public instruction, argued that Wednesday鈥檚 revelations were consistent with earlier research showing that students transitioning from elementary to middle school have had 鈥渁 particularly hard decade-plus.鈥� A recent analysis from scholars at Dartmouth, Harvard and Stanford labeled the period since 2012, marked by declining achievement for all but the top students, as a 鈥渓earning recession.鈥�

鈥淲e have plenty of evidence that [a] learning recession in the middle grades predates the pandemic,鈥� said White, now serving as CEO of the educational publisher Great Minds. 鈥淵ou can imagine two compounding problems: One, a general challenge in the success that American schools are having with adolescents, and two, a pandemic that hit this group of soon-to-be adolescents particularly squarely.”

Both core subjects showed signs of the division between younger and older students. 

After seeing a 4-point boost since the last version of the Long-Term Trends test, 9-year-olds have now caught up to their performance level in reading from before COVID. Their average score is now 10 points higher, on a 500-point scale, than in 1971 鈥� if not a gargantuan leap, at least measurable upward movement. In math, while significantly lower than the pre-COVID status quo, average scores are 19 points higher than in the late 1970s.

Remarkably, growth over the past few years has been powered overwhelmingly by the students performing at the lowest levels. Nine-year-olds scoring at the 25th percentile (i.e., lower than three-quarters of their same-age peers) made strides of 7 points in math and 6 points in reading since 2022; those at the 10th percentile gained even more ground, ascending by 9 points in math and 8 points in reading. That momentum flies in the face of the defining pattern of the 2010s, when only the highest-performing NAEP participants posted significant gains.

By contrast, the average performance of 13-year-olds has remained flat since 2022, and is statistically worse than in 2020. Even among those scoring at the 75th and 90th percentiles in math have endured a significant dropoff during that time.

In 2012, 85% of test takers in the older age group exceeded 250 points in math, a benchmark signaling their ability to solve one-step word problems involving addition and subtraction; in the most recent iteration of the exam, only 70% met that standard. The share of 13-year-olds scoring 250 or higher in reading fell from 66% to just 58% over the same period.

There was little variation between NAEP participants of various demographic categories, with children from various racial and socioeconomic groups generally following the same trajectories. But one notable exception related to sex: While nine-year-olds surpassed their overall results from 2022, only boys made statistically significant gains, jumping by an average of 7 points in reading and 5 points in math. Girls improved by a single point in reading and 3 points in math. 

Drop in reading for pleasure

A few other secondary findings were drawn from a survey traditionally accompanying the exam, which generates thousands of student observations in order to construct a representative picture of their day-to-day experiences. Responses revealed that in-school attendance is still much lower than before the pandemic, with the proportion of 13-year-olds absent at least one day in the previous month climbing from 44% in 2012 to 61% in 2025. Meanwhile, the fraction of 9-year-olds saying they鈥檇 been assigned no homework the previous night rose from 19% to 39% over the past two decades.

Perhaps most striking of all, far fewer students reported that they routinely read in their downtime. Just 37% of 9-year-olds, and 14% of 13-year-olds, said they read for fun 鈥渁lmost every day鈥� in 2025; those numbers peaked at 58% and 37%, respectively, over 30 years ago.

Education leadership consultant Julia Rafal-Baer is a member of the National Assessments Governing Board, the entity that helps design and administer NAEP. She observed that the reading results are indicative of a widespread and concerning decline in literacy that is likely linked to increased use of smartphones and social media.

鈥淲e’ve got to put real books back into kids’ hands,鈥� Rafal-Baer said. 鈥淟ibraries matter so much, and we’ve got to have adults helping kids to be curious.鈥�

The importance of the Long-Term Trends exam, she continued, lay in its consistency over time: The test has presented students with similar content, in a paper-and-pencil format, for a half-century. Even amid the education community鈥檚 often-loud debates over curriculum and accountability, the same fundamental skills have been assessed and recorded. In her view, that makes this version of NAEP 鈥渢he closest thing we have to a long-term memory of how kids are doing.鈥�

“There have been periods of time when we really did see growth,鈥� Rafal-Baer reflected. 鈥淲e were climbing for decades, and then we peaked around 2012 and have dropped ever since.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Bringing the 鈥榗louds in鈥� 

For Eric Hanushek, a Stanford economist who sat on the governing board from 2019 to 2023, the lengthy slide in student outcomes is the central phenomenon of K鈥�12 schooling since the Obama administration. Even the apparent progress made by the youngest group of test takers has not dislodged his view that transformative changes are needed for the education system to turn things around.

鈥淓very time we see a little bright spot about what 9-year-olds are doing, for example, people jump on it as though it’s a long-run trend,鈥� Hanushek said. 鈥淚t’s going to take a lot to convince me that we’re not still in a general downhill slide, even with some nice green shoots here and there.”

A longtime skeptic of various school improvement efforts, he noted the long list of policies adopted throughout the U.S. since NAEP debuted, from increasing per-pupil spending to reducing class sizes to heightening academic accountability requirements. While some growth had been achieved, particularly in math, his assessment of the situation was largely disappointing.

鈥淚鈥檓 here to bring the clouds in,鈥� he joked.

Beyond the immediate questions of student learning, some ambiguity even surrounds the future of the test itself. Baesler voiced some doubts about the validity of the Long-Term Trends assessment, noting that its testing format and some of its content could be seen as antiquated by today鈥檚 standards. The disjunction between some of the verbiage and expectations of the Ford administration and those of the Trump era may argue for an update, she continued.

At the outset of Trump’s second term, rumors circulated Washington of a forthcoming purge of NAEP exams, possibly to include Long-Term Trends. The assessment for 17-year-olds was, in fact, cancelled early last year.

鈥淭here is discussion being had鈥� about the fate of the test going forward, Baesler said.

鈥淭here needs to be serious consideration whether we should continue the Long-Term Trends, whether it is valid and accurate.鈥�

Correction: An earlier version of this story misstated the peak percentages of 9- and 13-year-olds who read routinely for pleasure, as well as the date at which they reached that peak.

Like them, she鈥檚 part of a Latino family from East Tulsa and wanted to give back to the community she loved. She kept her word. The new charter middle school quickly performed among the best schools in Oklahoma with an A on the state report card. 

But on a recent sunny morning in May, she sat in a conference room in the former paper mill the school purchased and renovated and spoke words uttered by countless school leaders since 2020: 鈥淭hen the pandemic happened.鈥�

The school鈥檚 ranking fell. Chronic absenteeism spiked, and instead of being two or three grade levels behind academically, some students arrived as much as four years off track. Even as she worked to expand the network, Pollock that she would be able to fulfill her commitment to get kids in and through college. Students went to work to help their families during the crisis or cared for younger siblings.

鈥淭he mindset of school being a top priority had shifted,鈥� she said.

But there are signs that recovery is now underway. All 74 seniors in last year鈥檚 graduating class were accepted to at least one four-year university, and the small network鈥檚 two middle schools for growth in reading and math from a national charter school organization. 

As the network prepares to take its next major step, opening an elementary school, Tulsa Honor Academy is 鈥渂ack on an upward trajectory,鈥� Pollock said. 鈥淥ur goal was to get back to a level of excellence, both in terms of academic growth and school culture.鈥�

The new school will open as a Spanish-English dual language program. It鈥檚 something parents have wanted for a long time. Roughly half of the students Tulsa Honor Academy serves are not only first in their families to go to college, they鈥檙e also the first to graduate high school. 

That means some students鈥� 鈥渉ome language skills are not fully developed at home, and our kids also need to learn English,鈥� she said. 鈥淏y the time they get to middle school, they will be completely fluent in both languages.鈥�

Teachers at the school already use strategies that build fluency and new vocabulary among English learners. On a morning in May, sixth grade science teacher Miguel Ramirez led a lesson on the nervous system. In their matching uniform sweatshirts and khaki pants, students read aloud definitions of terms like nucleus and dendrites and turned to a partner to repeat the material.

鈥淐onstantly hearing people say the words gets them to internalize it,鈥� explained Justine McGovern, the school鈥檚 development director. 

The academy celebrates Latino culture by being the only one in Oklahoma, as far as Pollock knows, that offers full courses for elective credit in , cultural dances from Mexico. In authentic dresses that represent the regions of Mexico 鈥� white for Vera Cruz or vibrant colors for Chihuahua 鈥� the students perform all over Tulsa, and many compete nationally.

鈥楿napologetically college prep鈥� 

Inspired by her mother, an engineer who moved from Mexico to Tulsa to pursue a career,  Pollock originally planned to become an immigration lawyer. At a time when there weren鈥檛 many Latinos in Tulsa, her mother advocated for a Spanish mass at a local church and started a free GED program.

But Pollock abandoned the idea of pursuing law to join Teach for America, and developed the drive to launch her own school while working in St. Louis and Chicago. 

From the beginning, Tulsa Honor Academy has been what she calls 鈥渦napologetically college prep.鈥� College campus visits start as early as fifth grade. Juniors work on personal statements in class. They research different careers and share their insights with sophomores, and because navigating college life can be overwhelming, staff in the school鈥檚 college readiness office encourage alumni to return for one-on-one help.

鈥淚f we want more Black and brown, first-generation, low-income students to eventually become teachers, lawyers and doctors,鈥� Pollock said, 鈥渢hen we need to make sure that they’re being educated to be able to go to and graduate from college.鈥�

with hospitals, nonprofits and city agencies are another hallmark of the school鈥檚 model. After his semester interning with Reading Partners, a tutoring organization, Oscar Gutierrez was convinced that teaching wasn鈥檛 for him. 

鈥淚 don’t want to work in the education field whatsoever,鈥� said Gutierrez, who graduated this year. 

The experience still gave him a glimpse of behind-the-scenes operations like scheduling and recruiting volunteers. It eased anxiety over finding his way around an unfamiliar place and interacting with people he hasn鈥檛 met.

鈥淵ou had to talk to the kid,鈥� said Gutierrez, who plans to study accounting at Tulsa Community College and then transfer to the University of Oklahoma or Oklahoma State University. 鈥淚t teaches those communication skills and just being confident within yourself.鈥�

Kimberly Perez, part of the first graduating class of 2023, landed an internship at Miller-Tippins, a leading construction firm in Tulsa. She learned how to prepare bids for projects and estimate the cost of materials. Now a rising senior on a full-ride scholarship to Oklahoma State University, she鈥檚 already received job offers from companies in Dallas. 

She still remembers when Pollock visited her home in 2016, sat on the couch and promised her mother that Tulsa Honor Academy was a better option than the district middle school. She was in fifth grade at the charter at the time, but only reading at a first grade level. 

鈥淚 would come crying to my mom, like 鈥業 don’t want to be in that school,鈥� 鈥� Kim said. Her mother considered pulling her out. 鈥淏ut Elsie said, 鈥楽he just needs extra time.鈥欌��

鈥极惫别谤别虫迟别苍诲别诲鈥�

Those were the years that Pollock was still leading just one school. In 2019, the high school opened, housed in a trailer on the same property. In early 2020, just as schools shut down because of COVID, Tulsa Honor Academy of a building for the high school, an accomplishment in a sector where schools often face challenges securing facilities.

Financing for the project, however, required enrollment to grow, so Pollock and her board fast-tracked the opening of a second middle school in the fall of 2021 鈥� three years early. The expansion to three schools, in some ways, marked a temporary setback. The challenge, Pollock said, was managing a major renovation while also responding to families鈥� needs in a community by the virus.聽

鈥淒uring the critical years of growth that other schools get to methodically establish network systems and structures,鈥� she said, 鈥渨e had to pivot and start to focus on surviving the pandemic.鈥�

Student behavior worsened, turnover rates among staff increased, and the principal hired for Flores Middle quit just after the new school opened. 

Brent Bushey, CEO of Fuel OKC, a nonprofit that provides financial support to charter schools, has watched Pollock鈥檚 journey from the beginning and recognized where the network stumbled.

鈥淭hey overextended, and that came through in the academic results,鈥� he said. 

Since 2021-22, the original middle school hasn鈥檛 earned higher than a C. Flores, the second middle school, has been stuck at a D since it opened. But those are 2025鈥檚 scores, and Pollock is hopeful about where Tulsa Honor Academy is headed. Last year, Flores Middle saw the highest fall-to-spring growth in reading and the third highest in math on NWEA鈥檚 MAP assessments among the 60 schools that submitted data to , a national nonprofit formerly known as Building Excellent Schools. Tulsa Honor Academy Middle was second in both reading and math.

Overall, the high school earned a C from the state, but was graded a B for postsecondary opportunities, better than the state average 

Overcoming the pandemic hasn鈥檛 been the only crisis Pollock has had to weather. In March, a former middle school teacher following accusations he texted a 12-year-old student and inappropriately touched the child. The school fired him in January and released a of the steps taken to report the situation to police. According to Tulsa police, the investigation into whether other students were affected is ongoing.

鈥楾ipping point鈥�

As she focuses on Tulsa Honor Academy鈥檚 growth, which is expected to reach nearly 1,800 students with the new elementary school, Pollock also has a larger goal of inspiring and supporting more Latino educators to start charter schools. She helped to launch , Latino Educators Advancing Leadership, a word that also means loyal in Spanish. 

She was the first and remains the only Latino charter school leader in the state. It鈥檚 both a point of pride and what she calls a 鈥済ross disservice鈥� when the majority of students attending brick-and-mortar charter schools are Latino. She鈥檚 encouraged that another Latino leader, Robert Ruiz, will open a in Oklahoma City in 2027.

The biggest barrier, she said, is the lack of educational attainment among Latinos in Tulsa. data shows that less than 20% of Latino adults have a bachelor鈥檚 degree or higher. Pollock sees that void in her own work. Two years ago, she knew of four Latino charter school assistant principals in Oklahoma, two of them in her own schools.

鈥淭he tipping point is going to be once our scholars graduate from college and we can start hiring them back,鈥� she told 社区黑料. 鈥淢y biggest dream is for one of our scholars to eventually sit in my seat.鈥�

The routine offered a helpful reminder of why she鈥檚 stayed in the field for 26 years. 

鈥淚 look at where these babies have started. Some of them might have known two or three alphabet letters,鈥� said Jarvis, who teaches in the Chickasha district, southwest of Oklahoma City. 鈥淣ow, looking at their test scores, I’m sending six to first grade on a third grade reading level.鈥�

But when she looks at her paycheck, she doesn鈥檛 get the same satisfaction.

Her take-home pay has increased about 17% since 2018, about half the rate of inflation. Gov. Kevin Stitt signed a bill last month raising teacher salaries by $2,000, but when Jarvis calculated the amount after taxes, it translates into less than $6 a day.

鈥淚 definitely don’t do it for the money,鈥� she said, 鈥渂ut that was an eye-opener.鈥澛�

Eight years ago, she was part of a massive, nine-day teacher walkout that saw more than 30,000 educators descend on the state capitol to demand increases in education funding. Then-Gov. Mary Fallin had already signed a $6,100 raise, but teachers wanted $10,000 and increases in the education budget. They also saw raises in and .

But since that historic 鈥淩ed for Ed鈥� movement, teachers like Jarvis say the incremental progress is barely noticeable. Starting teacher pay in the state still hovers near the bottom in the country, while neighboring states have climbed in the rankings. Some districts say they鈥檒l have to come up with to extend the $2,000 increase to non-teaching staff, and teachers are likely to return next year asking for more.

鈥淲e have to have substantial increases annually to catch up,鈥� said Shawn Hime, executive director of the Oklahoma State School Boards Association and a former assistant state superintendent. He applauds lawmakers for increasing teacher pay 37% since 2018, but high numbers of teachers still either leave the field or for better pay. 鈥淲e’re all in the same race, and we started a lap behind.鈥�

Districts can pay higher salaries above the state scale, but there are limits. That鈥檚 because to avoid large gaps in funding between poor and wealthier communities, the state caps how much they can raise .

鈥淚f you’re an equity warrior, in theory, this is like the perfect funding formula,鈥� said Rebecca Sibilia, executive director of EdFund, a nonprofit focusing on school finance. But in a state that鈥檚 reluctant to increase taxes, she said, districts are often 鈥渇orced to decide between hiring more people and giving pay raises.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

To deliver the 2018 salary increase, the legislature overcame a 75% supermajority threshold to increase taxes. But now, in an election year, some lawmakers who voted for it are 鈥済etting hammered鈥� by their opponents as they seek higher office, said Hime, with the school board鈥檚 association. 

One of them is Charles McCall, the former House speaker and now a Republican candidate for governor. , Chip Keating, a challenger in the June August GOP primary, accuses McCall of passing 鈥渢he largest tax increase in Oklahoma history. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 why taxes are too high.鈥�

The state needs a long-term plan for funding education, Hime said, but lawmakers鈥� hands are tied because they can鈥檛 obligate money for future years. One former legislator has been arguing that point for years. 

鈥淲e have this year-to-year budgeting and that’s got to stop,鈥� said Mark McBride, a Republican who chaired an education appropriations committee in the House. He recalled voting against a previous $2,000 pay raise prior to the walkout because he preferred to support a substantial hike over several years. Educators, he said, 鈥済ot really irritated with me.鈥�

鈥楧isrespect crept in鈥�

Pay is not the only reason teachers in Oklahoma leave the classroom. Some advocates say mandates like making struggling readers repeat third grade will force more out.

鈥淭his is going to exacerbate our teacher shortage,鈥� said Erika Wright, a community organizer for the Oklahoma Appleseed Center for Law and Justice and the founder of the Oklahoma Rural Schools Coalition. 鈥淲ho the hell wants to teach third grade now?鈥� 

When former state Superintendent Joy Hofmeister was in office, she commissioned a of thousands of teachers who were currently certified but not teaching. While pay was a factor, nearly a quarter said their views rested on 鈥渢he inability to make decisions related to instruction鈥� and 鈥渂urdensome standards and curriculum requirements.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Rhetoric that teachers found demeaning hasn鈥檛 helped either. Former state Superintendent Janet Barresi, Hofmeister鈥檚 predecessor, once said she wouldn鈥檛 let the 鈥渆ducation establishment lose another generation of Oklahoma’s children.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

She was the first to remove an educators hall of fame display from the state Department of Education building, former Superintendent Ryan Walters repeated when he took office in 2023. He sought to from educators, publicly criticised them in videos from his car and instituted a to weed out applicants from states he deemed too liberal.

鈥淒isrespect crept in,鈥� said Bryan Duke, dean of the College of Education and Professional Studies at the University of Central Oklahoma. 鈥淛ob creep,鈥� was another factor, he said, as teaching became more complex and behavior problems escalated. 鈥淚t’s like screaming into the wind. I think many teachers felt that their voices weren’t heard.鈥�&苍产蝉辫; 

Lawmakers introduced this year to lower class sizes in the elementary grades, a frequent request from teachers, but it died in committee.

Some years, Jarvis, the Chickasha teacher, has had as many as 28 students in her class. This year, she had 21, but doesn鈥檛 have a classroom aide. With about eight more years until retirement, she feels more fortunate than some of her colleagues who work a second job at a nearby steakhouse because the tips are so good.

But she often puts off vacations and big-ticket purchases now that she鈥檚 paying health and car insurance for her two sons. Eight years ago, they demonstrated with her at the state capitol.聽

鈥淚 remember sitting them down and explaining why we were going,鈥� she said. Her youngest made a poster with the names of his teachers. 鈥淚t was very meaningful to see the kids there.鈥�

鈥淲e’re in the middle of an industrial revolution that’s bigger than the dot.com revolution, and the world is not prepared for it,鈥� Weingarten told 社区黑料. 鈥淎nd our country鈥檚 leaders have a laissez-faire attitude about it. So I feel a huge responsibility to try and get it right.鈥澛�

Weingarten has proposed reshaping how U.S. public schools navigate AI in particular and technology more broadly, saying our kids are experiencing a crisis of attention and well-being 鈥� and that teachers are getting precious little guidance on how to help young people navigate these challenges.

Her proposal: Trim tech use, especially for younger kids, and teach all students how to think critically, communicate, collaborate and persist.鈥淥ne of the worst things we’ve done in education was to call collaboration and communication 鈥榮oft skills,鈥欌�� she said, 鈥渂ecause applied learning, problem solving, communication, collaboration, persistence 鈥� all of these 鈥� are the skills that any young adult is going to need in an AI world. In fact, these are the skills that are going to be much more competitive in an AI world.鈥�

In a May 27 at the National Press Club in Washington, she proposed a near-ban on computer screens for students through second grade, including for assessments. She proposed banning student-facing AI in elementary schools, arguing that young children need to build foundational skills without algorithmic shortcuts. 

And she said that young people should not have access to 鈥�social companion鈥� chatbots that simulate human relationships until age 16.

The speech makes Weingarten and AFT, the second-largest teachers union in the nation, new and potentially powerful supporters of a growing parent-powered movement to trim technology from U.S. classrooms, even as the union pushes to train thousands of teachers on how AI works. 

Weingarten proposed that schools redesign their offerings so that 鈥渁ctive learning, including project-based, experiential and career-connected learning,鈥� is the norm across all grade levels. She decried 鈥渄rill-and-kill” rote instruction, saying that in an age when any fact is retrievable with a single prompt, the ability to apply knowledge, think critically, communicate and collaborate matters far more than memorization.

鈥淭o really prepare young people for complex challenges, our true goal is to have students who can work together and problem solve,鈥� she said.

Weingarten noted that 31 states have now adopted some form of phone ban, and that several countries that were early adopters of education technology are pulling back. Sweden, she said, has returned to printed textbooks. Estonia, where research linked higher screen time in young children to weaker language skills, is calling for more human-to-human interaction. And Italy is re-emphasizing handwriting and traditional instruction.

Weingarten also called for establishing a rigorous new national safety and privacy standard for AI products sold to schools and creating an independently funded research consortium to study tech鈥檚 effects on children. And she proposed a new tax on Big Tech companies鈥� earnings to offset the environmental and societal costs of AI-driven disruption, including workers 鈥渂eing displaced by AI.鈥�

In an interview Monday, Weingarten said AFT’s own $23 million AI academy, launched last year in New York City to help teachers understand and shape how AI enters their classrooms, exists in part to provide crucial guidance on how to understand the technology. Over the next five years, the National Academy for AI Instruction is expected to provide hands-on workshops for 400,000 educators, or one in 10 U.S. teachers, effectively reaching the more than 7.2 million students they teach. 

She said the institute鈥檚 mission and her new stance on tech aren鈥檛 incompatible.

鈥淭he AI Institute is really about teachers teaching teachers, and how the tech companies are not in control,鈥� she said. 鈥淚t is a people-first, safety-first focus.鈥�

When she announced the academy in July, Weingarten said teachers face 鈥渉uge challenges,鈥� including navigating AI wisely, ethically and safely. 鈥淭he question was whether we would be chasing it 鈥� or whether we would be trying to harness it.鈥�

Nearly a year later, she said the institute now serves a crucial role in the absence of guidance from the Trump administration, which last week issued a U.S. Surgeon General鈥檚 urging families and schools to reduce children鈥檚 screen time. It suggested that schools limit school computers to computer labs, invest in physical textbooks and 鈥減rioritize pen-and-paper curricula, hands-on activities and social activities for all grade levels.鈥�

In a media appearance last week, U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon said schools 鈥渘eed to embrace A.I., and to use it .鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Weingarten said it鈥檚 鈥渃razy鈥� that the U.S. Surgeon General鈥檚 office is offering more detailed recommendations than the Education Department. 

鈥淲hen you actually have two-thirds of teachers in the United States having no idea how to use AI in schools, and when you have one-third saying there’s no formal guidance, and then you have the Education Secretary saying they should use it 鈥榓ppropriately,鈥� I mean, this is part of the problem,鈥� she said. 

U.S. Education Department Press Secretary Savannah Newhouse said McMahon 鈥渉as highlighted the many types of schools that are successfully and responsibly integrating AI in the classroom to help our nation鈥檚 students meet the challenges of today.鈥�

Weingarten also took a swipe at Melania Trump鈥檚 recent tech-and-education event, in which the First Lady the White House alongside a humanoid robot to highlight the potential benefits of robots replacing teachers. The stunt, Weingarten said, 鈥渟poke volumes. So did the responses from teachers wondering how a robot was going to build trust with students or know when someone was having a bad day. There鈥檚 no algorithm for that. Students need their teachers 鈥� real human beings, not robots and not chatbots.鈥�

Newhouse didn鈥檛 address Weingarten鈥檚 allegations about the administration鈥檚 leadership on AI, instead criticizing union priorities more broadly: 鈥淚f there鈥檚 finally going to be an honest conversation about the damage done to American students, it should begin with the teachers unions鈥� enthusiastic support for a federal bureaucracy that has spent over $3 trillion only to watch student outcomes decline, along with their relentless push to keep schools shuttered during COVID,鈥� Newhouse said. 

鈥楰ids are getting burned鈥�

The effort to curb tech in schools comes on the heels of a similar one, led in large part by social psychologist Jonathan Haidt, to limit cellphone use in schools.

Weingarten on Monday said she has steeped herself in research on educational technology and artificial intelligence. But it wasn鈥檛 until she spoke to Haidt last summer about young people鈥檚 worsening that she knew she had to draw a line. 

鈥淲hat really drove me was the issues around attention,鈥� she said. 

Haidt, author of the best-selling 2024 book The Anxious Generation, has said short-form videos and other social media tools have decimated our kids鈥� ability to pay attention in school, resulting in fewer books read, poorer basic skills and worsening mental health. A more recent book, The Digital Delusion, by the educational neuroscientist Jared Cooney Horvath, argues that basic classroom technology has had a similar effect on skills.

In her speech, much of Weingarten鈥檚 criticism centered around increasingly widespread fears that our society is losing its way when it comes to young people鈥檚 technology use. She noted that more than half of 11-year-olds already carry smartphones, a figure that climbs to 95% among teenagers. Four in 10 teens report being online almost constantly, she said. 鈥淭he pace of this tech revolution has been blisteringly fast, and kids are getting burned.鈥�

She pointed to Haidt’s research linking heavy smartphone and social media use to rising rates of social isolation, anxiety and depression among young people, with academic consequences as well from the rollout of classroom technology. Scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, which had been climbing steadily, have in many cases worsened after widespread digital adoption. Weingarten acknowledged that correlation is not causation, but said the pattern, appearing consistently across states, grade levels and subjects, deserves serious attention.

She also pointed to research showing that 88% of teachers in a survey reported that their students’ attention spans were shrinking, which she attributed in part to the instant-rewards of online platforms such as TikTok and YouTube. Cognitive scientist work, she said, suggests students are not incapable of focusing, but are increasingly unwilling to do so when schoolwork feels dull by comparison to their online lives.

But she cautioned that she鈥檚 not anti-tech.

鈥淚鈥檓 not calling for an AI ban or a Chromebook bonfire,鈥� she said. 鈥淲hat I am calling for is getting the balance right to harness the benefits of technology while mitigating the harms. I鈥檓 wary of the dangers of AI, but it is here to stay. We need enforceable guardrails and help to cushion the disruption to people鈥檚 lives.鈥� 

Alex Kotran, the founder and CEO of , said Weingarten is 鈥渞ight where it counts鈥� about limiting AI for younger students but giving teachers access to the tools. 鈥淚t’s about getting the balance right,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd I really don’t talk to anybody that believes that we shouldn’t have some sort of balance.鈥�

Kotran said he鈥檇 recently spoken at an National Education Association meeting and saw that, like AFT, they鈥檙e focused on understanding AI. 鈥淭here’s this almost-meme, ‘Oh, the unions are getting in the way of AI transformation, AI readiness,’ and I really disagree with that fundamentally. The unions have a very sophisticated understanding of what really matters here.鈥�

Weingarten鈥檚 push to give teachers a better understanding of AI makes sense as well, he said. 鈥淲hen teachers feel like they are the main characters of the story of AI transformation, their willingness to really lean in and learn, it’s a lot more. You see a lot more buy-in.鈥�

More broadly, Kotran said, supporting active learning, project-based and career-connected learning is 鈥渨hat all the smartest people in the field,鈥� including CEOs and labor economists, are recommending. 鈥淲hat everybody’s basically saying is that the skills that matter now are people who can just get shit done, who can work independently and proactively on projects, who can create and build. And so it’s really, really important to hear a union actually naming that.鈥�

On Monday, Weingarten said parents are leading the way on this issue 鈥� and that schools risk being caught between parents who opt their children out of classroom technology and those who want to keep it. 鈥淗ow does a teacher in kindergarten work in a classroom where half the kids opt out of screens and half the kids are on screens?鈥�

鈥淏lah blah blah.鈥� That’s all I heard during story time, sitting on a colorful checkered carpet in kindergarten, feeling like a stain that didn’t belong, yet somehow stood out. English was not my first language, and mastering it took time. Years later, I became the one other students would ask, 鈥淲hat clicked?鈥� or 鈥淗ow’d you do it?鈥� 

The answer I always heard from upperclassmen was simple: 鈥淛ust do the work.鈥� But as a first-generation student in East Tulsa, I learned that doing the work was not enough. Balancing school, homework, extracurriculars, home responsibilities and applications all before turning 18 is tough. 

Like most of my classmates, fitting in was a priority. Many were Hispanic like me, but they often had siblings or parents who spoke English. I didn’t have that privilege. As the oldest, I became the bridge between home and my community: the translator, the example, the one who had to 鈥渨alk鈥� so my siblings could run. My mom was just as lost as I was, a non-English speaker herself, navigating a school system nothing like the one she grew up in. Nevertheless, she found a way to support me. 

She enrolled me at ReadSmart Learning, a tutoring program in Tulsa. I still remember the big cartoony bluebird at drop-off and the pins I earned for completing lessons. Slowly, my grades rose and I spoke English with more confidence. My mom noticed, rewarding me with packs of Shopkins figurines and saying, 鈥淵a vez? No hay mal que por bien no venga mija, siguele echando ganas.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Every cloud has a silver lining, sweetie. Keep working hard.

Her faith in me made me believe that effort could change everything. For first-generation students like me, programs like ReadSmart aren’t extras. They’re essentials. 

Middle school brought a new challenge, an all-English environment. Although it was intimidating at first, it also brought math. Numbers became a language I could master, and that love followed me into high school. Tulsa Honor Academy鈥檚 College Readiness team was a constant presence, always helping me navigate hands-on opportunities that I wouldn’t have found on my own, including Tulsa Technology Center’s dual enrollment program. Tulsa Tech offers a two-year program that allows students to take classes and get a real view on what engineering or pre-med tracks might look like. It was here that I found that electrical engineering was the career path I wanted. 

I’ll never forget the project in which my team and I used programming sensors to detect a chocolate chip cookie. Our clay “chips” had a mind of their own and tumbled off the conveyor belt, scattering everywhere. Hours of troubleshooting, reshaping and laughing with my team taught me more about perseverance. I learned that pushing through the struggle is what makes the result feel rewarding and worth it. 

That same perseverance carried me through applying for programs and scholarships such as , and Imposter syndrome creeps in sometimes, but I always keep going. 

Perseverance has helped me become a and earned me a full ride to Washington University in St. Louis.

Now, when students come to me and ask 鈥淲hat clicked?鈥� or 鈥淗ow’d you do it?鈥� I don’t tell them to just do the work. I tell them to look for scholarships, apply to summer programs, build their extracurriculars, keep their grades up, and most importantly, take every opportunity in their path. I give them the guidance I had to piece together for myself, because nobody handed it to me. 

My story isn’t about being exceptional. It’s about dreaming big for your future and creating a plan. It’s about dedication to your goals and being relentless, no matter what obstacles stand in your way. It’s about the power of having someone who believes in you and is willing to walk alongside you, even if they don’t have all the answers. 

The truth is, your circumstances do not define your future. With perseverance, hard work and the courage to keep going, kids like me don’t just get by. We succeed academically. We become professionals. We go back and tell the next kid on that carpet: 鈥淵ou belong here, too.鈥�

鈥淩esting up from my vacay.鈥�

鈥淣etflix binge last night.鈥�

Those were among the 鈥渓ame excuses鈥� for missing school that Oklahoma鈥檚 Union Public Schools featured during the 2024-25 school year, part of a humorous campaign intended to reduce chronic absenteeism.

Behind the comical posters, however, leaders were troubled by the data. During the 2022-23 school year, 29% of students missed at least 10% of the school year. At Union High School, the rate soared to 43%.

鈥淚 think there have been huge changes in behavior since COVID,鈥� said Chris Payne, spokesman for the Tulsa-area district. He echoed what policy experts and school leaders nationwide have been saying since rates skyrocketed after schools fully reopened. 鈥淚 think people reprioritized and decided, 鈥榊ou know, I’ve got things I need to take care of.鈥� 鈥�

In addition to the attendance campaign, staff met with parents and visited students鈥� homes to find out why they were missing school. But starting in 2027, Oklahoma schools will no longer be judged on whether those chronic absenteeism rates go up or down. The legislature voted last year to remove the indicator from the state鈥檚 education accountability system as a factor that contributes to a school鈥檚 overall grade and can determine whether a school is labeled in need of improvement. 

Among , teachers and administrators, there鈥檚 a sense of relief.

鈥淚’m not sure that it’s fair to evaluate schools based on something that we cannot control,鈥� said Mike Simpson, superintendent of the Guthrie Public Schools, north of Oklahoma City. Originally in favor of making chronic absenteeism a factor in schools鈥� A-F grades, he no longer thinks it鈥檚 a good way to assess schools.

Oklahoma鈥檚 most , for 2024-25, gives the state a D for the percentage of students with good attendance. Its chronic absenteeism rate of 19% is far from the worst in the nation, but it鈥檚 still 5 percentage points above the state鈥檚 pre-pandemic level of 14%. Data from shows the rate stands at about 21%. 

鈥淚t鈥檚 not just an Oklahoma thing,鈥� Simpson said. 鈥淚’ve got colleagues and friends all over the country, and they’re fighting some of the same challenges.鈥�

Oklahoma isn鈥檛 the first state to remove chronic absenteeism from its accountability system. Arkansas took it out in 2024 as part of . Illinois officials have recommended replacing chronic absenteeism with , and now reports broader attendance data rather than just chronic absenteeism.

鈥楽tates already had the data鈥�

The federal Every Student Succeeds Act requires state accountability systems, and the report cards available to the public include indicators of academic performance, graduation rates, progress in learning English and an additional measure of student success. For that last metric, 38 states chose chronic absenteeism.

The U.S. Department of Education confirmed that it鈥檚 currently considering the state鈥檚 request to replace chronic absenteeism with a new measure, but so far, state officials haven鈥檛 said what that鈥檚 going to be. The challenge will be landing on a K-12 data point that is comparable across Oklahoma鈥檚 more than 500 districts, said Paige Kowalski, executive vice president for the Data Quality Campaign. The nonprofit has published reviews of state report cards since 2016.

Chronic absenteeism 鈥渨as an inexpensive indicator to implement because states already had the data,鈥� she said. Adopting a new measure, she said, could require districts to pay for changes to their student information systems and spend time training staff to collect and input the data. In addition, she said, it takes two years to ensure data is reliable enough to use in decisions about school ratings.

But the connections between chronic absenteeism and student achievement are backed by years of research. , for example, showed that a 1% increase in attendance was linked to a 1.5% jump in third graders passing the state reading test. showed that students who were chronically absent in middle school had lower math scores and were less likely to graduate on time than those who didn鈥檛 miss as much school. 

Kowalski said there鈥檚 plenty schools can do to improve attendance. Reducing bullying, increasing teacher retention and challenges, she said, can address some of the reasons students miss school.

Transportation surfaced as a barrier when the Union district surveyed parents, teachers and students on the issue. But teachers were far less likely than parents to say that reliable transportation would improve attendance 鈥� 25% compared to 47%. There were also stark differences between parents and students. Twenty-three percent of students said mental health reasons kept them home, while 12% of parents said that was a common explanation. 

Tulsa makes progress

Some communities in Oklahoma have adopted a tough posture toward parents whose children are frequently absent. Erik Johnson, a Republican district attorney in the southeastern part of the state, has prosecuted and jailed parents to force compliance with the law. 

Prior to the pandemic, Guthrie allowing police to fine parents for their kids鈥� truancy, but Simpson, the superintendent, said those measures didn鈥檛 鈥渕ove the needle.鈥�

In Tulsa, the state鈥檚 largest district, Board Member Stacey Woolley said she鈥檚 glad chronic absenteeism is no longer part of the grading formula because the indicator lowered schools鈥� scores. 

鈥淎t the same time, we have to continue to make it a priority,鈥� she said. When leaders examine student data, they find that students who struggle are chronically absent, regardless of their socioeconomic status. 

The district鈥檚 work shows that reductions are possible. The rate has declined over the past two years from 44% to 37%, and have seen drops of at least 10% compared to last school year. 

Such efforts won鈥檛 go completely unrewarded. Under the to the Education Department, schools that lower chronic absenteeism could still score 鈥渂onus points鈥� toward their grade but the indicator won鈥檛 be used in determining which schools are identified as needing improvement. 

By the end of the Union district鈥檚 campaign, chronic absenteeism had dropped by about 1.4%, well below the goal of 7%. Still, Payne said, the progress equated to 200 fewer chronically absent students. 

Leaders also realized something else: Students in the district鈥檚 career-tech programs, like aerospace and construction, had lower absenteeism rates than those in the general student population. Now, in response to local workforce shortages, the district has launched a healthcare career pathway as well. 

鈥淚 had students that didn鈥檛 really have a direction,鈥� said Jason McMullen, who teaches aviation courses at the district鈥檚 Innovation Lab. 鈥淭hen they see a helicopter land and that lightbulb goes off.鈥�

On a recent Wednesday morning, some students at the lab learned how to secure safety wire to the nuts and bolts that hold planes together, while others patched holes in sheetrock. 

The change to the state鈥檚 accountability system, 鈥渄oesn鈥檛 mean we’re going to quit working on it,鈥� said Payne, the district鈥檚 spokesman. 鈥淭he reality remains that if students are not present, they’re not going to perform and have success in school and life.鈥�

To Lila Byock, one of two California moms suing Curriculum Associates over its product i-Ready, the advisory was the right move. Thousands of school districts use the program, with its animated alien characters, to give students practice in math and reading.

鈥淓xcessive classroom screen use is a public health crisis,鈥� she said, adding that district leaders should 鈥渞educe the use of individual devices, reinvest in paper curricula and stop letting Big Ed Tech exploit our kids for profit.鈥�

Districts like and , are already rethinking their use of i-Ready or in response to growing backlash from parents. , led by the Austin-based EdTech Law Center, could be one reason. The complaint argues that the company gained 鈥渧irtually unfettered access鈥� to children鈥檚 personal information, like birth date, gender, race and disability status, and shared it with 鈥渕yriad third parties.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Curriculum Associates denies the accusations. 

鈥淐urriculum Associates takes student data privacy extremely seriously, and the claims in this litigation are without merit,鈥� a spokesperson told 社区黑料. 鈥淲e do not sell student data, use it for advertising, or create commercial profiles of students. All use of student information is limited to supporting the educational services requested and authorized by schools and districts in compliance with applicable federal and state laws.鈥�

Ed tech vendors rely on long-standing federal that says 鈥渟chools may act as the parent鈥檚 agent,鈥� provided the data they gather is for educational, not commercial, purposes. 

The lawyers taking ed tech companies to court are challenging that guidance. Linnette Attai, a data privacy consultant and founder of Playwell, LLC, said the complaint over i-Ready is based on 鈥渁 lot of speculation,鈥� but it has still put vendors and education leaders on alert.

鈥淐urriculum Associates is facing significant legal bills, but also a public relations and customer retention issue. The industry is sitting up and taking notice,鈥� she said. But she said the issues the complaints raise are 鈥渂etter suited for legislators and not a courtroom.鈥�

鈥楾heories of consent鈥�

Congress passed the in 1998, requiring online sites to verify parents鈥� approval before they collect, use or share information from children under 13. 

Last , the Federal Trade Commission鈥檚 FAQ on the law says that schools 鈥渃an consent under COPPA to the collection of kids鈥� information on the parent鈥檚 behalf.鈥�

But with that put students鈥� privacy at risk and that digital tools benefit kids, the attorneys representing parents like Byock hope to defeat that interpretation of the law. 

鈥淭hese theories of consent that companies rely on in order to bypass actual consent from parents are all bogus,鈥� said Andrew Liddell, one half of the husband-and-wife legal team behind the EdTech Law Center. 鈥淭hey have no basis in the law whatsoever.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

The FTC updated its COPPA regulation in early 2025, but left the school consent issue alone. The agency, however, it was 鈥渃oncerned about the use of and other engagement techniques to keep kids online in ways that could harm their mental health.鈥�

Last summer, the FTC submitted an in support of EdTech Law Center in a separate , an online learning platform used by more than 18 million students. The Liddells sued on behalf of three Kansas families who said the company uses 鈥渄eceptive design techniques鈥� to keep kids hooked and shares their data with a 鈥渉ost of private companies.鈥� The families have asked for monetary damages.  

The law, the FTC wrote, does not create an 鈥渁gency relationship between schools and the parents of school children.鈥�

The Liddells say the brief is the most definitive statement yet that parents, not schools, have the final say over what data ed tech vendors can access. But the FTC hasn鈥檛 changed its existing guidance, and other student privacy experts say schools can continue to it.

A spokesperson for the FTC told 社区黑料 it doesn鈥檛 鈥渉ave anything to add to the amicus brief.鈥�

鈥楾he long game鈥�

Meg Leta Jones, founder of the Center for Digital Ethics at Georgetown University, said there is tension in Washington over this issue. On one hand, the administration is 鈥渢rying to be pro-AI,鈥� she said. First lady Melania Trump entered a White House education summit in April alongside a saying, 鈥淭he future of A.I. is 鈥榩ersonified,鈥� 鈥� 

At the same time, Republicans support parental rights, and a few months earlier, a Senate committee held to examine the harms of ed tech.

鈥淚t鈥檚 hard to move when both of those things are happening,鈥� Jones said. The lawsuits are important, she said, because they take the issue out of federal officials鈥� hands. 鈥淐larity around this consent issue is what will come in the long game.鈥�

Outside the courts, the litigation has inspired more parents to push for restrictions on i-Ready and other ed tech platforms. Parents in New York City鈥檚 District 4, on Manhattan鈥檚 East Side, noted the i-Ready lawsuit in a calling for screen time limits. 

Kaliris Salas-Ramirez, a mom of two who chairs the Community Education Council for District 4, has already opted her kids out of i-Ready and NWEA鈥檚 MAP tests. But she said she remains 鈥渁 thousand percent鈥� concerned about her 14-year-old鈥檚 use of programs like Google Classroom, IXL and JumpRope, a grading platform.

The resolution cited a recent finding 141 data breaches or 鈥渦nauthorized data releases鈥� between 2023 and 2025. The district, the New York comptroller鈥檚 office said, doesn鈥檛 have an 鈥渁ccurate inventory鈥� of all of the software programs schools use or the privacy risks involved. 

鈥淚t’s like ed tech on steroids,鈥� said Salas-Ramirez, also a neuroscientist who trains future doctors. 鈥淲e don’t have the data to validate that these quote unquote tools, instruments or assessments provide us anything worthwhile.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

鈥楢dministrative nightmare鈥�

Ed tech experts say schools wouldn鈥檛 be able to function if vendors had to get consent directly from parents for all the online products students use in the classroom. 

It鈥檚 an 鈥渁dministrative nightmare鈥� said Mark Williams, a California attorney who specializes in ed tech contracts and student privacy. 鈥淭hrow that out the window; it doesn鈥檛 work.鈥�

Vendors share data with third parties. That part isn鈥檛 in dispute. The question is if it鈥檚 being shared, as the FTC says, 鈥渇or the use and benefit of the school鈥� or falling into the hands of companies that use it for marketing or targeted ads based on students鈥� characteristics.  

A last year offered another look into what happens when kids click answers or type personal information into a program. The state board turned to , a nonprofit that tests software products, to investigate 100 apps commonly used in the state鈥檚 schools. 

The review found that over a third shared student information with advertisers. shared data with six advertisers. Others shared data with dozens of advertisers as well as with sites like Google and Microsoft.

The report stressed that the 鈥減resence of sharing alone does not necessarily constitute a contract violation.鈥� Some sharing is necessary for an app to function properly, the authors wrote.

It鈥檚 鈥渃ommon sense鈥� for a vendor to share data they collect to fix bugs or security flaws, said Steve Smith, executive director of , a global network of vendors and schools. But legally, it鈥檚 鈥渁 little bit of a stretch鈥� for a company to create a new program with that information.

Vendors go too far when they share 鈥渋ncredibly sensitive student data鈥� from a school monitoring app to develop a new product, said Amelia Vance, president of the nonprofit Public Interest Privacy Center. Many schools use such programs to monitor for online threats or risks of self harm.

鈥淭he companies have everything the kid has done online, everything that they’ve written in the Google Drive,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou can think about that extremely personal information then being used to create a personalized learning platform that they sell back to schools.鈥�

鈥楶retty opaque鈥�

Inspired by Utah鈥檚 work, Access4Learning is developing a tool that districts can use to track what vendors do with student information. Leaders expect to launch it later this year. 

But that might not satisfy the concerns of some parents leading the charge against ed tech. They often point out that such organizations or have received funding from some of the very companies the screen-free lobby opposes. The growing mistrust surfaced at last December that the National Telecommunications and Information Administration held to discuss kids鈥� 鈥渆xcessive screen time.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

鈥淓d tech is so devious that it’s created dozens of nonprofits cloaked as online safety organizations,鈥� Lisa Cline, a Maryland parent who has advocated against screens in the Montgomery County Public Schools, said at the event. 鈥淪ome of them are here today. Look closely. These guys are bankrolled by big tech and frankly, they mock the work that unpaid people like myself do to educate parents.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

While the lawsuits between parents and vendors could drag on for a while, districts should at least be transparent about the products they鈥檙e using, said Williams, the California attorney. 

Parents are allowing districts 鈥渢o collect and give to a third party data that they would not otherwise be entitled to,鈥� he said. In return, educators should explain what data they take and what they do with it. 鈥淯nfortunately, that process can be pretty opaque.鈥�

Last year, WalletHub, , ranked the state 50th 鈥� just above New Mexico 鈥� on a mix of criteria including test scores, graduation and teacher certification rates. More recently, a University of Oklahoma researcher zoomed in on the , where the state places 48th overall in math and reading.

The unwelcome attention typically prompts a wave of finger-pointing from politicians and . 

Sometimes, teachers like Sarah Clifford.

A single mom of two who relocated from New York, she鈥檚 among the thousands in the state who entered the classroom without completing a teacher training program. In 2023, as a new teacher in the Edmond Public Schools outside Oklahoma City, she struggled to write lesson plans and hated teaching math, a subject she disliked as a child. Districts statewide have increasingly depended on emergency certified educators like her to fill vacancies. In 2023-24, the number topped 5,000, state data shows. Since 2022, the state has also allowed schools to hire , who may have no more than a high school diploma.

鈥淲e don’t want to demonize any person who is stepping up to be a teacher, regardless of the pathway,鈥� said Bryan Duke, dean of the College of Education and Professional Studies at the University of Central Oklahoma. 鈥淏ut the difference in preparation launches people successfully or unsuccessfully into careers.鈥�

Duke鈥檚 program has been part of the solution. In 2024, the university received nearly $2.5 million in from the state for scholarships to help teachers like Clifford complete their certification programs and earn a master鈥檚 degree. She graduated with last December after spending nine months instruction so she could 鈥渉elp students feel confident and start to love something that’s hard.鈥� Most of her third graders students who were 鈥渙n watch鈥� in math ended up on grade level by the end of the year.

鈥淥ur state doesn’t look like we’re doing well,鈥� she said. 鈥淏ut if you go inside a classroom with people who have the passion and want to be there, those kids are thriving.鈥�

The data on the state鈥檚 decline is undeniable. In the mid-鈥�90s, the state ranked 17th in math and reading on the National Assessment of Educational Progress. With the 2024 scores, the state had fallen to 48th.

In a , University of Oklahoma researcher Adam Tyner described how Oklahoma missed the 鈥渟outhern surge鈥� that brought academic turnarounds to states like Alabama, Louisiana and Mississippi. Those states saw improvement after pouring millions of dollars into teacher training, strong curriculum and coaching.

Oklahoma鈥檚 results have also affected public opinion. Less than a third of Oklahomans graded their local schools an A or B in from the university鈥檚 Oklahoma Center for Education Policy. Two years ago, 41% gave their schools high marks.

At about $12,500, the state鈥檚 per-pupil spending is . One reason is because it takes a in the legislature to approve a tax increase. District budgets could take another hit if voters this fall approve on property taxes. 

鈥淚f it’s really hard to increase revenues, you have to take away things from other areas,鈥� said Deven Carlson, a public policy researcher at the University of Oklahoma. 鈥淚t’s going to be hard to improve outcomes, if you think that money matters.鈥�

One possible off-ramp for parents is school choice. Many charter schools their local district schools, data shows, leading to push for expanding the charter sector.

This year, lawmakers took a dual approach to tackling the state鈥檚 education challenges. They gave teachers a $2,000 raise 鈥� but the is still well below neighboring Texas and Arkansas. Gov. Kevin Stitt also signed a increasing the minimum number of days in the school calendar from 166 to 173. That will make it harder for some districts with four-day weeks to maintain that schedule.

鈥淲e’ve lost a lot of instructional days,鈥� said Education Secretary Dan Hamlin. 鈥淚t’s not the only thing that matters; you need other things, too. But it is a component that’s meaningful.鈥�

鈥楢rt of teaching鈥�

State data shows that 184 districts are in session for 166 days or less, which they can achieve through four-day weeks with longer days. 

shows four-day weeks don鈥檛 necessarily improve retention, but districts that don鈥檛 adopt them can to nearby ones that do. The model is generally popular with teachers, who trade off longer hours for three-day weekends.

Superintendent Rick Cobb鈥檚 experience in the Mid-Del School District, outside Oklahoma City, illustrates the problem. When he became superintendent in 2015, he was 鈥渁larmed鈥� that the district had 20 emergency certified teachers, he said. Now 114 either have emergency certifications or are adjunct teachers, according to .

His district, which serves a blue collar community near an Air Force base, never shifted to a four-day week. But others around Mid-Del did, luring away his teachers.

Knowledge of the subject matter generally isn鈥檛 a weak spot for emergency certified teachers, he said. But they often lack the skills to manage classrooms and modify lessons for students working at higher and lower levels.

鈥淭hat鈥檚 the art of teaching,鈥� he said.

Mike Simpson, superintendent of the Guthrie Public Schools, north of Oklahoma City, has faced the same challenge. His district, where nearly 60% qualify for free or reduced-price lunch, has lost teachers to districts with four-day weeks. But he never went that route because parents in his district depend on schools not just for education, but also for school meals. 

鈥淚f the parents go to work, who’s taking care of those kids? Who’s feeding them?鈥� he asked. 鈥淚 take that very seriously.鈥�

The small, rural Jennings Public Schools, west of Tulsa, is among those that run four days. It received a waiver from the state to operate a 156-day calendar.

Superintendent Derrick Meador doesn鈥檛 struggle to find certified teachers. He had three job openings recently and about 10 applicants for each one. It was the first time in three years he鈥檚 had to hire a teacher. Families, he said, support the four-day week and don鈥檛 want to lose it. Fewer than 2% of students are chronically absent, and the district performs well academically.

鈥淚f we weren’t getting the results that we were, I would have ended it a long time ago,鈥� Meador said. He doesn鈥檛 appreciate districts with four-day weeks getting for dragging the state down. 鈥淚 don’t like being lumped in with other districts. We stand alone on our merits and should be judged accordingly.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

He hopes the state will continue to allow waivers from the new 173-day requirement, but without it, Jennings will likely have to give up its four-day week.

鈥楲ife experience鈥�

It鈥檚 difficult to tie student outcomes to any one education policy, whether that鈥檚 the academic calendar or teacher certification. But Dan Goldhaber, director of the Center for Analysis of Longitudinal Data in Education Research at the American Institutes for Research, said if performance is falling, teacher quality 鈥渋s one of the very first things that I would look toward.鈥�

Oklahoma is certainly not alone in lowering the bar to teach, especially since the pandemic. Goldhaber examined post-COVID outcomes for students in Massachusetts and found that those whose teachers had emergency licenses in math and science than their peers. 

In Texas, a third of teachers were unlicensed in 2023-24. aims to reverse that trend by gradually reducing the share of unlicensed teachers that districts can hire to 5% by 2029.

Oklahoma took a small step in that direction this year when it tightened restrictions on adjunct teachers, who are only required to have 鈥渄istinguished qualifications in their field,鈥� but not a college degree. Stitt signed that stops schools from hiring adjuncts to teach core content areas in K-5.

that educators with temporary or emergency certifications are more likely than those who are fully certified to leave the profession. But they often take positions that would otherwise be nearly impossible to fill. 

In the Union Public Schools, which serves southeast Tulsa and part of Broken Arrow, several teach at the district鈥檚 Innovation Lab, a hub for career and technical education courses. They include Jeremy Weber, a who teaches students the basics of aircraft maintenance. On a recent morning, he showed students how to use safety wire to secure nuts and bolts to parts of a plane.

鈥淭hat life experience is pretty valuable,鈥� said Kenneth Moore, the district鈥檚 executive director of secondary education.

Earlier this month, newly certified teachers with years of life and career experience gathered at the University of Central Oklahoma in Edmond to celebrate their graduation from the two-year alternative certification program. 

Grabbing refreshments at a pre-graduation reception and posing for pictures with their families and fellow graduates, they talked about wanting to reverse the stigma attached to teachers who take a nontraditional route to the classroom.

They included Cherice McDonald, a teacher in Oklahoma City schools who previously worked in the oil and gas industry, and is now being recruited to work as an assistant principal. 

Melanie Whitekiller Lawrence, a member of the Cherokee Nation, stayed home to raise her four kids before taking a job as a long-term substitute. When she took charge of a fourth grade class in Edmond, she said she 鈥渉ad no idea鈥� there were academic standards in math and reading she was required to teach under state law. She鈥檚 come a long way since the days when a colleague in the classroom next door would supply her with ready-made lessons for the week.

Last fall, her colleagues at Chisholm Elementary chose her to represent their school as . 

鈥淪ometimes, I feel like I’m more knowledgeable about current and best practices than my colleagues who have been teaching for a very long time,鈥� she said at the reception. 鈥淲e鈥檙e not just warm bodies.鈥�

RAY LAKE, Wyo. 鈥� There was a lot of giggling in the parking lot as teenagers plunged bare hands into coolers filled with small, slippery rainbow trout fry. 

The objective was to catch the fish in clear plastic cups, but the juvenile trout were fast and very squirmy, and the effort elicited shrieks, splashing and laughter. 

The kids 鈥� middle and high school students from Fort Washakie, Wyoming Indian and St. Stephens schools 鈥� were pretty comfortable handling the baby trout. That makes sense, given that they hatched them from eggs and reared them in classroom tanks over the previous four months. 

Thursday鈥檚 fish release under leaky rainclouds was the culmination of the Trout in the Classroom program, which schools on the Wind River Reservation have participated in for three years. 

The Wyoming Game and Fish Department funds the program, which Trout Unlimited facilitates and the Wind River Tribal Buffalo Initiative coordinates. Trout in the Classroom allows students to learn an array of scientific lessons as they do the hands-on work of raising the fish. 

After circling up in the Ray Lake parking lot, talking about watershed ecology and listening to a tribal blessing, students and their teachers got busy transporting dozens of fry from coolers in the parking lot to the nearby lake鈥檚 muddy shores. There, they released them, cup by cup, into the shallows, nudging them to their new wild home 

鈥淥K, goodbye fishies!鈥� a girl called as she knelt by the water. 

鈥淪wim free!鈥� a boy chimed in. 

Connecting the students directly to wildlife and its habitats helps foster emotional investment, Wind River Tribal Buffalo Initiative Education and Culture Coordinator Jeremy Molt said. That contributes to the ultimate goal, 鈥渨hich is to inspire responsible cultural stewardship of the land.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Molt has seen the shores of reservation lakes like this one grow less littered since the trout program began, which he links to young people鈥檚 increasing awareness of ecological health and a desire to protect it. 

Through the program, he said, 鈥渨e鈥檙e kind of healing some of those disconnections鈥� with the landscape and natural food sources. 鈥淲e鈥檙e trying to rewire some of that.鈥�

Fort Washakie science teacher John Gookin was among the fish transporters. The program gives educators like him opportunities to teach about topics like beneficial bacteria, the chemistry of water, how trout extract oxygen through their gills and the life cycles of freshwater swimmers.

鈥淚t engages the kids, and gives something operational for things like biochemistry,鈥� he said. 

For example, in the classroom, his students 鈥渢est how much ammonia is in the water,鈥� Gookin said. 鈥淭hen we learn about the shape of the ammonia molecule, the cycles of it and why that even matters.鈥�

Because his students are all anglers themselves, he said, they were excited to help stock the lake and perpetuate healthy waters. 

And though they became wet with rain and mud, the giggles never died down.

罢丑颈蝉听聽first appeared in .

Supporters of the proposal argue that programs like MEGA reflect a broader recognition that states and local communities are often better positioned than Washington to understand the unique challenges facing their schools. Rather than maintaining fragmented federal programs with rigid compliance structures, decentralization efforts seek to give states more authority to innovate, coordinate resources and tailor solutions to regional realities.

The MEGA proposal therefore illustrates both the promise and the responsibility that accompany decentralization. Returning authority to states creates opportunities for more responsive and adaptive governance, but it also places responsibility squarely on state leaders to produce measurable results for children and families.

Decentralization alone does not guarantee success.

For decades, critics of centralized education policy argued that federal mandates often produced bloated compliance systems and procedural requirements disconnected from local realities. Washington became increasingly skilled at regulating inputs while struggling to improve long-term outcomes. 

Yet granting states more autonomy does not automatically produce effective governance.

A state can possess broad authority and still oversee failing schools, collapsing civic trust and stagnant upward mobility. Debates over parental rights, curriculum transparency, school choice and cultural accountability have become central to education politics in many states. Those issues matter. Parents should have meaningful authority over their children鈥檚 education, and communities deserve institutions that reflect local needs and values.

But education policy cannot become merely a politics of resistance. It must also become a politics of construction.

The real test of decentralization is whether states can build institutions that work.

Today, educational inequality remains profoundly geographic. In many parts of the country, a child鈥檚 ZIP code predicts educational achievement, workforce readiness, family stability and future earnings with alarming consistency. Some communities consistently produce mobility and strong civic outcomes. Others remain trapped in cycles of decline.

This is no longer simply a federal problem. It is increasingly a problem of state capacity.

Too many states spent decades demanding greater autonomy without building the institutional sophistication required to govern effectively once power returned to them. Many accountability systems still operate as relics of the old compliance era. They measure standardized-test averages and graduation statistics while failing to answer the question parents actually care about: Are children prepared to flourish as adults?

Any serious education agenda should focus less on bureaucratic processes and more on long-term human outcomes.

States should begin measuring mobility itself. That means tracking educational opportunity and life outcomes geographically鈥攑articularly at the ZIP-code level鈥攁nd identifying which communities consistently produce upward mobility and which do not.

The purpose of these measures is not to create another compliance regime, but to identify which communities are successfully helping children transition into stable adulthood.

Such systems could include measures such as:

• Early literacy and numeracy rates 
• Chronic absenteeism 
• Access to tutoring, mentoring and after-school programs聽
• Participation in career and technical education 
• Youth employment and apprenticeship participation 
• Postsecondary completion 
• Workforce participation 
• Family stability and parental involvement 

Examples of effective state-level reform already exist. Mississippi, once ranked near the bottom nationally in educational performance, has posted significant gains in early literacy after implementing statewide reading reforms, teacher training initiatives and evidence-based intervention strategies. Other states have increasingly aligned community colleges, workforce-development systems and career education with regional labor-market needs.聽

These efforts remain uneven, but they demonstrate that state-led governance can produce measurable improvement when institutions are coherent and focused on outcomes.

States should not fear this kind of measurement or experimentation. Properly designed, it strengthens decentralization rather than weakens it. A governor in Wisconsin may understand the needs of manufacturing communities better than federal officials in Washington. Rural Appalachia faces different challenges than suburban Texas. States can align workforce systems, transportation policy, public safety and education in ways national bureaucracies often cannot.

That flexibility is precisely why decentralization matters. But flexibility without accountability becomes little more than fragmentation.

Decentralization is a governing framework, not a substitute for governing.

The central questions are straightforward: Can states build integrated longitudinal data systems that actually track outcomes over time? Can they identify which neighborhoods consistently trap children in educational failure? Can they align K鈥�12 education with workforce demand and civic formation? Can they distinguish between symbolic politics and measurable improvement? 

Those are the priorities that matter now.

Americans increasingly distrust centralized institutions, but distrust alone does not build flourishing communities. Strong families, strong schools and strong civic institutions require operational excellence, not merely political rhetoric.

The country stands at another inflection point in education governance. The argument for returning greater authority to states has gained substantial momentum. The next challenge is proving that states can use that authority wisely.

Decentralization was never meant to be an escape from responsibility. Properly understood, it is a demand for greater responsibility 鈥� closer to the people, more responsive to local conditions and ultimately more accountable for results.

If states cannot deliver upward mobility, civic stability and educational competence, then the case for decentralization weakens. But if they can, this may yet become one of the great renewal stories of American public life.

The fourth time a child told me something similar, I knew we had a problem. A few minutes later, a little girl tugged on my shirt to tell me she didn’t need to learn either. She knew how from watching TV.

As a 16-year-old water safety advocate and teen ambassador for the National Drowning Prevention Alliance, I visit preschools and elementary schools around New York City 鈥� reading stories about water safety, teaching the rules, then purposely reciting them wrong so the kids can giggle at my mistakes and correct me. To the outside, it may look like storytime. To me, it is a lesson that could save a life.

Our nation has not come close to solving the childhood drowning epidemic. Each year, drown in America. Drowning is the for children ages 1 to 4. For children ages 5 to 14, it is the second leading cause of accidental death.

There’s a reason we keep failing. We have focused almost entirely on swim lessons because the data is too good to ignore: Formal instruction reduces drowning risk by a . But swim lessons only work if children actually get them. Millions of children don’t. 

Lessons require money, transportation, pool access and a caregiver who can take them. Even when programs are free, families still must find them, navigate registration forms and overcome language barriers. As a result, many children, especially in low-income, minority neighborhoods, fall through the cracks and receive no water safety education at all.聽

African-American children ages 5 to 19 drown in swimming pools at than white children, and have few or no swimming skills.

That’s where teachers come in.

Teachers don’t need a pool. They don’t need a budget or a liability waiver. And they have the one thing no existing swim policy can guarantee: a captive audience of kids, already in the room.

It’s most urgent for the youngest children. To 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds, water is fascinating and naturally attracts them. It can also kill them, yet many don’t understand those dangers. It’s a concept adults tend to gloss over because to us, those dangers seem obvious.

A teacher can tell a preschooler never to go near water without a grown-up. A teacher can tell a kindergartner that water is dangerous even in 鈥� bathtubs, buckets, anything more than an inch. A teacher can teach small children that if they fall in, they should try to flip onto their back and float. Even knowing this could save a life.

Some educators worry that talking about water with young children will frighten them. I heard that line repeatedly when preschools rejected my request to visit the classroom. But consider this: We teach fire safety to preschoolers without frightening them. We teach them to get low and crawl. We teach street safety. We instruct them to look both ways before crossing the street. We even conduct lockdown drills with them. Water safety is no different. And when I speak to little children, I never use the word drowning. The kids still leave knowing exactly what to do.

The beauty of water safety education is that it can grow with the child. What starts as rules for little children turns into more sophisticated explanations for older children who can understand the science and consequences of water.

In elementary school, a teacher can explain that drowning doesn’t look like it does in the movies. There’s no splashing or screaming. It’s mostly silent. And if a friend is in trouble, you shouldn’t jump in after them. In water safety circles, it’s called the rule 鈥� throw something that floats, but never jump in yourself. A third or fourth grader can also understand that you never jump or dive into water without knowing how deep it is.

When children reach middle school, the lessons fit naturally into science class. A teacher can explain what a rip current is, how to identify one and what to do if you’re caught in one. They can also explain how suction works and why a broken pool drain generates enough force to hold a swimmer underwater.

In high school, water safety belongs in health class. We teach sex education. Why is water safety never mentioned? A teacher can explain why alcohol and open water are a deadly combination, how hydraulics in rivers and waterfalls can trap even the strongest swimmers, and why jumping on a dare may be the last decision they ever make.

None of this requires water. It requires a teacher. And the curriculum already exists for free from the and the .

Only one state has figured this out. In 2018, a 1-year-old boy named slipped away at a neighbor’s party and drowned in their pool. His parents turned their grief , signed in 2022, requiring water safety education in every Louisiana public school, kindergarten through 12th grade. In the three years since it passed, has followed. And now, the federal government has stepped back, too. In August 2025, the Trump administration the CDC’s drowning prevention program.

What’s clear is that classroom education can never replace swim lessons. There is no substitute for instruction in the water. But the classroom can serve as an insurance policy for the millions of children who will never get swim lessons.

Teachers don’t need to wait for a law. They can start tomorrow. If I can teach this during my lunch hour, just imagine what a real teacher could do.

Last Thursday, that would have allowed public school teachers, among other public-sector employees, to form unions and negotiate over their wages and working conditions throughout Virginia. At present, those workers can organize only ; those number fewer than 20 of the state鈥檚 133 city- or county-level governments.

Many of the governor鈥檚 supporters in labor were outraged by the decision, of a key constituency. One of the largest unions in the state, the Virginia Education Association, almost a full year before last fall鈥檚 election, putting their membership of more than 40,000 teachers and school personnel behind a high-profile effort to retake the governor鈥檚 mansion from Republican control. 

VEA President Carol Bauer referenced her organization鈥檚 efforts in an interview with 社区黑料, calling the veto 鈥渁 great disappointment.鈥�

鈥淥ur members campaigned for Gov. Spanberger on the promise that she supported workers, supported affordability, and supported collective bargaining, and we were hopeful,鈥� Bauer said. 鈥淲e had every indication she was going to sign a collective bargaining bill.鈥�

But the Democratic-led proposal to allow statewide bargaining put Spanberger in the challenging position of weighing workers鈥� rights 鈥� an after the Trump administration terminated thousands of federal employees in early 2025 鈥� against her mandate to reduce costs for taxpayers and local governments, . If inflation and interest rates continue to rise , other Democratic leaders could soon face similar considerations.

The governor鈥檚 office did not respond to a request for comment. But one of the bill鈥檚 main detractors said her veto was a necessary corrective.

Derrick Max, president of Virginia鈥檚 conservative , called the legislation an overreach that would weaken local control over public services. While some of the bluest communities in the state for their workforces, including those in Richmond and the suburban counties around Washington, D.C., other Democratic-led jurisdictions have demurred over concerns about financial implications, he said.

鈥淭he biggest problem is that [HB 1263] took local governments out of the decision on whether or not to allow collective bargaining,鈥� Max wrote in an email. 鈥淎t a time when affordability is the top priority, passing a bill that would likely lead to massive increases in costs was not wise.鈥�

Local officials made throughout the spring while attempting to put the brakes on the bill, arguing that compelling them to bargain with teachers, firefighters, and other public employees would significantly budgeting. By the time of the legislature鈥檚 vote, across the state had issued statements in opposition to the adoption of the law. 

It is difficult to estimate a price tag for the policy, the costs of which will ultimately depend on the outcome of negotiations between workers and school boards. The Virginia Commission on Local Government, a state agency created to assist towns, cities and counties, issued a report indicating that some jurisdictions could face recurring expenses totaling in the hundreds of millions of dollars.  

Yet activists in the VEA and other unions that a guaranteed right to negotiate over pay and working conditions was critical to closing wage gaps in the teaching profession, protecting workers from retaliation for seeking to organize, and limiting staff turnover that has proven deleterious to student achievement. 

It also situated the fight playing out in the state鈥檚 House of Delegates within the broader struggle to win greater power for labor and end Virginia鈥檚 long-running reputation as a state hostile to public-sector unions. Educators only gained limited bargaining rights , after Democrats took unified control over state government for the first time in a generation; prior to that breakthrough, Virginia was one of just three states that expressly banned the practice.

Local teachers rushed to swell the ranks of unions in the aftermath, forming large new organizations in just a few years. The in the state鈥檚 largest county was hailed by the national American Federation of Teachers as 鈥渢he largest U.S. public sector union victory in 25 years.鈥�

In her bid to reclaim the governorship after the single term of Republican Glenn Youngkin, Spanberger on the organizing power of labor, vowing to 鈥渟tand up for Virginia鈥檚 workers鈥� after the mass layoffs precipitated by the Trump administration. Yet she also walked a careful line in campaign pronouncements, the idea of fully repealing the state鈥檚 right-to-work statute even as she acknowledged that it would 鈥渄isappoint鈥� some of her supporters. 

As Democrats in Richmond came closer to passing the statewide expansion, the governor asked the legislature to consider amendments that would delay its implementation until 2030 to allow local governments to prepare for the adjustment. Those proposed changes were ultimately not taken up.

Balancing the demands of her coalition may be particularly important as Spanberger considers her political future. She was elected only last fall in to show a substantial Democratic recovery from the doldrums of the 2024 presidential contest, and within weeks of her inauguration, to give the official response to President Trump鈥檚 State of the Union address 鈥� a plum reserved for fast risers.

Since then, the governor has been embroiled in a highly controversial push to re-draw Virginia鈥檚 congressional districts, boosting her profile and enraging her opponents at the same time. showed that her favorability ratings have suffered in recent months.

Though it is too early to speculate on the state of the 2028 primary field, any Democrat with ambitions to lead their party will need to court teachers鈥� unions, whose millions of members and generous campaign contributions help deliver victory in primary campaigns and general elections alike. Governors thought to be considering a run, including Illinois鈥檚 J.B. Pritzker and Michigan鈥檚 Gretchen Whitmer, significant in their respective states. In Wisconsin, the controversial Act 10 law barring teachers from negotiating over compensation is thought to be in serious legal jeopardy now that Democrats control the state鈥檚 Supreme Court.

Michael Hartney, a political scientist at Boston College who studies the political power of teachers鈥� unions, said that Spanberger鈥檚 veto may reflect political calculation as much as principle. Unlike those in other states, governors in Virginia cannot serve consecutive terms, meaning that frustrating her labor allies won鈥檛 cost her reelection in a few years鈥� time, he wrote in an email.

鈥淔or Spanberger, the move allows her to cultivate an image as a centrist, 鈥榓bundance鈥�-oriented Democrat rather than a reflexive ally of public-sector unions 鈥� a potentially valuable distinction if she wants to occupy that moderate lane within the party,鈥� Hartney observed.

For her part, Bauer said that she hoped to persuade Spanberger that her organization鈥檚 priorities should be central to the Democratic agenda in the months and years to come. 

鈥淲e will be organizing,鈥� she said. 鈥淥ur action didn’t start with this bill, and it’s not going to end with this bill.鈥�

At the helm since 2019, an unusually long tenure for an , Ferebee led DCPS through the pandemic and leaves at a time of historic increases in student performance. Last week, researchers for the Education Scorecard as the district that had made the greatest gains in both math and reading since the pandemic.

鈥淗igh quality instructional materials have always been a part of the way that I thought about improving student achievement,鈥� said Ferebee, who previously led the Indianapolis Public Schools and began his career as a teacher and principal in North Carolina. 鈥淭his is a remarkable opportunity to take that to scale nationally.鈥�

Under Ferebee鈥檚 leadership, D.C. schools have experienced 鈥渕eaningful progress,鈥� according to a by the D.C. Policy Center. has risen to 52,000, up from the pre-pandemic level of 49,000, even as other urban districts suffered continued declines. On the 2024 National Assessment of Educational Progress, fourth graders improved 10 points in math, for large cities. While the district continues to battle high 鈥� nearly 38% in 2024-25 鈥� it implemented a that has contributed to a rebound. In an interview with 社区黑料, Ferebee said he expects the district to 鈥渂uild on that momentum and contribute nationally to the whole recovery narrative.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

He will remain with DCPS until June 18 and assume his new role the following week. With D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser for re-election, a new mayor will choose his replacement.

The leader of a parent advocacy group in the district said Ferebee has always considered parents鈥� input, something she hopes the future mayor will consider when looking for a new chancellor.

鈥淭his is the most stable period of leadership that we’ve seen in the district in quite a while,鈥� said Maya Martin Cadogan, executive director of Parents Amplifying Voices in Education. 鈥淚n a city where so many of our families have housing instability and economic instability, to have stability in our school system has been really critical.鈥�

As the successor to EdReports鈥� founder Eric Hirsch, Ferebee will join the organization at a time of change. It recently began reviewing pre-K curriculum and adopted through 2029 that aims to produce more timely reviews and information about the research behind curriculum products. Dana Nerenberg, EdReports board chair, called Ferebee 鈥渢he right fit in all the right ways.鈥�

Hirsch, who announced his resignation last year, launched the nonprofit in 2015 to help point districts toward materials aligned to the Common Core standards that the majority of states still follow. Experts said independent reviews were needed at the time as an alternative to curriculum publishers鈥� promotional materials. Many district and state leaders continue to base their curriculum purchasing decisions on whether a product gets the coveted green rating from EdReports.

But with the growing emphasis on the role of curriculum in driving student achievement, some critics said the organization didn鈥檛 adapt quickly enough. Reviews, they argued, didn鈥檛 emphasize phonics-based, foundational skills and gave lower, yellow ratings for reading they helped students improve. EdReports has since revised its criteria to emphasize the science of reading.

Kareem Weaver, founder of FULCRUM, an Oakland-based literacy advocacy group, said Ferebee faces a huge responsibility.

鈥淭he shifts that the education field is demanding have become a matter of civil rights. Including evidence of results in their reviews is no small thing,鈥� he said. 鈥淧arents, teachers, principals, superintendents, kids want to know, 鈥楧oes this stuff work?鈥� 鈥�

He called Ferebee 鈥渁 good choice鈥� because he has 鈥渉is feet planted in the ground as a system leader.鈥�

Ferebee replaced former Chancellor Antwan Wilson, who following a scandal involving his daughter鈥檚 transfer into a sought-after high school with a long waitlist. found that his predecessor, Kaya Henderson, gave the children of some government officials special treatment in the school lottery process. 

But her resignation in 2016 was unrelated to that issue, and during her nearly six years in charge, the district saw increasing enrollment and graduation rates. 

鈥淭hey have this history of long-time superintendents who have built on the work of each other,鈥� said Ray Hart, executive director of the Council of the Great City Schools. 

Cadogan, who leads the parent advocacy group, pointed to the expansion of dual enrollment programs and the , which trains teachers in evidence-based literacy practices, as examples of innovations she wants the new mayor to continue.聽

But significant challenges remain. In scores on reading, 37.6% of students performed in the proficient range, the highest point since the test began. But less than 30% of Black students scored at that level. The difference in performance between poor and more affluent students is even larger. The next leader will also inherit an with the federal government to improve services for students with disabilities, especially transportation. 

鈥淧arents are really proud of the progress we’ve made,鈥� Cadogan said, 鈥渂ut there are still so many gaps between our students.鈥�

A of four urban districts confirms these research-based early literacy pedagogies are indeed widely implemented in these school systems. Educators are doing many things right: They are consistently delivering explicit phonics instruction that includes a clear purpose using high-quality foundational skills curricula.聽

Across the four districts, between 88% and 94% of over 200 surveyed teachers reported using their foundational skills curriculum daily or almost daily. Classroom observations of 112 foundational skills lessons confirmed that instruction was focused, aligned, and explicit鈥攈allmarks of effective early literacy teaching.

But something critical was often absent from those same lessons: the opportunity to

connect sounds and words to meaning. In a previous report, we explored how meaning is often missing in the tasks that upper elementary students are assigned 鈥� for instance, finding literal and nonliteral language in a reading passage but not what the author was trying to convey. In our latest publication, we look specifically at the foundational reading skills taught in the earlier grades.

Moreover, we found that many students meet literacy benchmarks for foundational skills on early literacy screening assessments. But by third grade 鈥� when they are expected to make meaning from more complex texts on state literacy assessments 鈥� far fewer demonstrate proficiency. 

In other words, early success with word reading does not always translate into later success with comprehension. 

This mirrors national trends: relying on early literacy assessments indicates that 56% of K鈥�2 students nationally are 鈥渙n track鈥� for learning to read, but only 31% of fourth graders performed at or above the proficient level on the 2024 NAEP reading assessment, a test that requires students to comprehend with greater depth.

What we found in our research, which included hours of classroom observation, was that only about one in five lessons gave students the chance to apply their phonics knowledge beyond single words to connected text: sentences, passages or stories that build reading fluency. And in more than half of lessons, teachers addressed word meaning just once or not at all.

In other words, students are learning how to blend sounds together to read words but not consistently how to make sense of them. We鈥檝e made real progress on decoding, but the connections between decoding and meaning are often missing.

That stems, in part, from how early literacy instruction is structured and supported. Decoding and language comprehension are often taught in distinct lessons with different curricula, and teachers receive separate professional learning for each.

While this structure can support focused instruction, it can also give the false impression that meaning making does not belong in phonics lessons. At the same time, K鈥�2 literacy data systems 鈥� including screeners and progress monitoring 鈥� tend to emphasize phonemic awareness and phonics, reinforcing the idea that those are the outcomes that matter.

The findings from this study point to an area for growth in foundational skills instruction that may help: bridging processes. These processes are the mechanisms that connect word recognition and language comprehension and should be incorporated into word recognition or phonics instruction, supporting students to build more meaning as they learn to decode. Two key bridging processes are vocabulary knowledge, which is understanding the meanings of words, and reading fluency or the ability to read connected text accurately and smoothly.

Without these bridging processes, decoding single words can be devoid of meaning.

Students may be able to sound out words yet still struggle to understand what they read. Importantly, bridging processes must be built into phonics instruction early on, and students should work on them throughout their early years of schooling, not just after they have successfully learned to decode words.

The encouraging news is that incorporating bridging processes does not require an overhaul of instruction or instructional systems. In many cases, bridging processes can be embedded into existing lessons in small but powerful ways.

Consider a phonics lesson on the two common sounds for double o, as in mood and look. A teacher might briefly define a target word 鈥� such as, 鈥渁 brook is a small stream鈥� 鈥� and show a picture of a brook before students practice reading it. Then she might instruct students to turn to a partner and share a sentence with the word brook.

This can take less than a minute but can anchor decoding in meaning, which is important for all students, especially for emergent multilingual students to expand their vocabulary as they are learning English. 

Similarly, building fluency doesn鈥檛 require a pivot away from explicit phonics instruction.

It requires ensuring that students regularly read sentences, passages and texts that incorporate the phonics patterns they are learning.聽

For example, after decoding a list of words like book, cook, hood, soon, tool, and boot, students might read a simple sentence like, 鈥淲e went to fish in the brook,鈥� applying their phonics knowledge to connected text. Then they might read a short story about animals at a brook with several other double o words.

Our study found that such opportunities to build fluency were surprisingly rare and did not meaningfully increase from kindergarten through second grade. 

This is a missed opportunity. 

Stories and passages that use targeted phonics skills are often provided in early literacy curricula but are sometimes skipped due to pacing or a lack of understanding their importance. 

Fluency develops through practice with connected text; without it, students struggle to transition from decoding single words to understanding longer texts.

Bridging processes are critical for students to connect word recognition and language comprehension. Adequately addressing them requires more than individual teacher effort. District leaders must clearly assert that these processes are fundamental to foundational skills instruction and reflect this priority in curricula, professional learning and classroom observation tools.

District and school leaders should expand the data they use to capture a broader view of reading development, aligning tools with bridging processes and incorporating information beyond word recognition.

School leaders and instructional coaches should provide professional learning opportunities around bridging processes, leveraging existing structures like professional learning communities to teach educators how to embed vocabulary and fluency practice into phonics lessons without sacrificing instructional focus. 

This can be done through watching exemplar videos, conducting peer observations, lesson rehearsal and engaging in coaching conversations.

The promise of early literacy reform has always been that strong foundations would lead to strong readers. But developing students鈥� decoding skills alone is not enough.

If we continue to teach decoding and language comprehension as separate endeavors, the result will be the same: early gains that fade when students are asked to read and comprehend longer texts. But if we build the bridges through vocabulary knowledge, reading fluency practice and intentional meaning making in phonics instruction, we can change that trajectory.

SRI Education and 社区黑料 both receive financial support from the Charles and Lynn Schusterman Family Philanthropies.

Using a protocol I developed called 鈥�,鈥� students mapped what gets in the way of learning. Nearly 100 participants generated more than 250 responses, which they posted, grouped and debated in real time. Students facilitated the process themselves and surfaced patterns with a clarity many adult teams struggle to reach. 

One theme rose quickly: 鈥淣othing changes.鈥�

Students weren鈥檛 talking about curriculum or rigor. They were describing what happens after they speak up. 鈥淲e report things and nothing changes,鈥� one student explained. Another added, 鈥淭he biggest issue isn鈥檛 just bullying, it鈥檚 when adults don鈥檛 respond.鈥� Across the workshop, roughly half of student responses pointed to the same issue: not whether students have a voice, but whether that voice leads to visible action. That鈥檚 the difference.

Across the country, policymakers are doubling down on civics, adding coursework, expanding standards and promoting credentials meant to signal engagement, including efforts like the Seal of Civic Engagement in Connecticut. These efforts are politically appealing, but they risk solving the wrong problem.

They rest on a flawed premise: that civic disengagement can be fixed through coursework and recognition alone. In reality, they may reinforce the very dynamic students describe, where participation is encouraged in theory but rarely shapes outcomes in practice.

This pattern is not unique. National surveys, including those from , show that many students feel their input is collected but rarely acted upon. The issue is not whether students are asked for their voice, but whether that voice meaningfully shapes outcomes.

When students spend years in systems where their input rarely influences decisions, they internalize a quiet but powerful lesson about how institutions work. Participation becomes symbolic, authority feels fixed and influence seems out of reach. Over time, students don鈥檛 just disengage. They adjust their expectations of how institutions operate.

The students in that Connecticut workshop were not disengaged. They were observant. In that room, they didn鈥檛 just identify problems; they modeled the kind of participation schools say they want to teach. Repeated experience taught them that speaking up does not necessarily lead to change.

We are asking students to believe in democracy while placing them in systems that rarely practice it. Civic engagement is not just about understanding democratic systems. It is about believing that participation matters and seeing evidence that it does.

A school can require civics coursework and still operate in ways that undermine it. It can teach the structure of government while modeling a system where decisions are largely made without meaningful student input. That contradiction is embedded in daily experience.

In too many schools, disengagement isn鈥檛 an accident. It is a predictable outcome of how systems are designed. Schools are one of the first public institutions young people encounter, and what they learn there about voice and power does not stay there. If we are serious about strengthening civic engagement, we have to look beyond what we teach and examine how schools function. 

This is, at its core, a design problem.

Students are more likely to engage when they feel known and respected. But belonging alone is not enough; a student can feel supported and still feel powerless.

The same conditions that build belonging, voice, participation and the ability to influence outcomes are also the conditions that foster long-term civic engagement. When those elements are absent, engagement fades over time.

What Needs to Change

This is not a call for another initiative layered onto an already crowded system. It is a call to rethink how schools operate on a daily basis. At a minimum, schools should establish structures where students regularly present proposals to school leadership and where responses are publicly tracked so students can see what changes and why. 

Schools should also make feedback loops visible, create consistent opportunities for dialogue and disagreement, and provide authentic audiences beyond the classroom where student ideas carry weight.

In the Connecticut workshop, the most striking moment was not the list of problems. It was what happened when students were given real responsibility to surface, organize and present their ideas. They did so thoughtfully and collaboratively, demonstrating the very civic skills schools aim to teach. The capacity is already there. The question is whether schools are designed to use it.

We tell students their voice matters, yet we place them in systems where it rarely influences outcomes. Students notice, and over time, they internalize that gap, not because they are apathetic, but because their experience has taught them what to expect.

If we continue to treat civic learning as a content issue, we will keep missing the point.

America does not have a civics crisis because students are disengaged. It has a civics crisis because too many schools are not designed to give students meaningful opportunities to participate. Until that changes, no amount of additional coursework will be enough, because students are already learning how our systems work 鈥� not from what we teach, but from how our schools actually operate.

On Nov. 5, 2024, men and women around the U.S. headed to the polls to decide a race hyped as a battle of the sexes.

By evening鈥檚 end, Kamala Harris鈥� quest to punch through and become America鈥檚 first female president lay in shambles. Donald Trump, the Republican Party鈥檚 undisputed since 2015, would return to the White House. And voters, especially the youngest ones, were themselves divided starkly on lines of gender.

As in each of the three previous federal elections, women鈥檚 support for the Democratic ticket considerably exceeded men鈥檚. But the gulf separating Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 was historically wide: According to , a data and analytics company that contracts with progressive organizations, Harris won the backing of 63% of women and just 46% of men.

The 17-point gap cleaving through Generation Z was not only bigger than that of every other age group; it was comfortably the largest Catalist had measured across four presidential cycles. of Trump鈥檚 approval conducted corroborated the same trend the following year, showing disparities between the men and women of Gen Z that eclipsed smaller splits among Millennials, Gen Xers, and Baby Boomers.

Jennifer Benz, a political scientist who leads the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, said findings like that were consistent across surveys she administered prior to the Trump-Harris contest, as well as exit polling conducted at the end of the campaign. Men and women for roughly a half-century, but it was unusual for newly minted voters to lead the way, she added.

鈥淲hat’s been notable about this younger generation is that the gender divide is already shaping up now, as opposed to when they age into the more typical partisan patterns we’ve seen over recent years,” Benz said.

While Gen Z鈥檚 gender gap is a relatively new phenomenon, its features can already be seen in K鈥�12 schools. They spring from the rancorous gender politics of the 2020s, which have left girls repelled by Trump鈥檚 policies and boys disaffected by Democrats鈥� seeming indifference to their concerns. 

As the youngest 鈥淶oomers鈥� enter high school this year, they appear to be accelerating toward the political 鈥� and often social 鈥� estrangement already evident among their older brothers and sisters. Their stories, based on interviews with 社区黑料 and supported by the insights of educators and public opinion researchers, offer a rare snapshot of that polarization as it takes shape. In America鈥檚 college dorms and high school homerooms, young adults are , occupying separate online spaces and even demonstrating an aversion to dating.

Sarah Campbell, a high school teacher in Brunswick, Maine, said she鈥檇 noticed a pronounced change in her social studies classroom. Earlier in her career, students broadly approached discussions of politics and public policy with open minds. But over the past 10 years, a growing number have entered those conversations 鈥渁lready aligned with certain ideas.鈥�

鈥淚鈥檝e had girls talk about things like safety, rights or future opportunities in very real, personal ways, and in the same conversation, boys are questioning whether those issues are still relevant,鈥� Campbell wrote in an email. 鈥淭hey鈥檙e not just disagreeing, they鈥檙e experiencing these issues from completely different realities.鈥�

鈥楩eminism rooted in me鈥�

Those distinct worldviews may have origins stretching long before adolescence. Celeste Lay, a professor at Tulane University who studies how young people acquire political beliefs, noted that their beginnings overlap with children鈥檚 early attempts to fashion adult identities for themselves. 

“At the same time young people are going through political socialization, they’re also going through gender socialization,鈥� she said. 鈥淪o as they’re developing their politics, they’re learning what it means to be a boy or a girl and what society says those concepts mean.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

In , Lay and several co-authors used survey data from more than 1,500 children to determine when they start to examine the world through the lens of partisanship. They discovered that kids as young as six are already tottering down the path to the ballot box, and nearly half the study鈥檚 participants affiliated with a party by the age of 12. 

A high school senior named Lily was once such a novice partisan. Raised in South Lyon, Michigan, along the outskirts of Metro Detroit, she was encouraged by liberal-minded parents to take an interest in U.S. history and current events. When she was eight, the Democrats nominated the first woman to lead a major party鈥檚 presidential ticket. After that, her course was set. 

鈥淭his sense of feminism rooted in me because my parents were letting me educate myself,鈥� Lily recalled. “When Hillary Clinton was up against Trump, I was like, ‘There’s never been a female president! I have to support her.鈥欌��

A decade after that formative electoral heartbreak, she spoke to 社区黑料 while taking part in the , a for-profit summer program offering learning experiences in a range of fields. Alongside a few dozen others with similarly arcane interests in bicameralism and campaign finance, Lily 鈥� whose last name has been withheld to allow her and her peers to speak freely about political matters 鈥� spent nine days last July at the Georgetown University campus. In between sessions role-playing as U.S. congressmen, the group made field trips to walk the halls of the Capitol in person.

Lily and her fellow government enthusiasts might reasonably be called some of the most civically engaged high schoolers in the nation. But countless girls her age followed a similar trajectory to both political consciousness and the political left. 

In the years spanning the Clinton and Biden administrations, the youngest female voters steadily warmed to the label of 鈥渓iberal鈥� ( ideological category). By 2023, Gallup research shows, the proportion of women aged 18鈥�29 who described themselves as liberal had leapt from 28% to 40%, while liberal men of the same age stalled at 25% over the same period. 

The evolution was not merely rhetorical. Teenage and 20-something women adopted on the environment, abortion, gun rights, marijuana access, the Israel-Palestine conflict and an array of other cultural issues. Today, the women of Gen Z are commonly regarded as voter demographic. 

Marie Sarnacki, an English and history instructor in South Lyon, contrasted recent waves of female students with those in her own graduating class of 2009. While stipulating that she spoke only for herself, Sarnacki added that girls in 2026 had far fewer reservations about voicing feminist beliefs on some of the most pressing questions of the day. 

鈥淚 don’t know if they would give themselves the label, but it’s safe to say they’re more open about their concern for reproductive rights or supporting classmates who are gay,鈥� she said.

The elephant in the room

Sarnacki believes that the ideological shift she has witnessed throughout 11 years in the classroom can be substantially explained by a corresponding development unfolding on the Right. 

Trump鈥檚 presidencies, each achieved through , have repeatedly pushed debates around sexism and women’s rights to the center of the national agenda, she argued. From the Women鈥檚 March to the #MeToo-inflected Kavanaugh hearings, the stunning demise of Roe v. Wade, and the president鈥檚 demeaning comments about various female antagonists, the Trump era may have hastened a leftward drift that was already in progress.

Daniel Cox, director of the conservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI)鈥檚 , agreed with Sarnacki. While women have lately gained or even in some professional and educational spheres, he continued, many of the most 鈥渕omentous cultural events鈥� of the last 10 years led them to the conclusion that their rights were imperiled.

鈥淭hey were doing really well in higher education and high schools in terms of AP courses and graduation rates, and tons of statistics suggest that young women were comparatively doing better than men,鈥� Cox said. 鈥淏ut when they looked around politics and the culture, they were upset about a lot of things and became politically active.” 

Public opinion research provides clear signs that their dissatisfaction remains high during the second Trump presidency 鈥� and is equally vivid among those too young to participate in elections. revealed that, within a representative panel of children aged 13鈥�17, girls were vastly more negative than boys in their assessments of Trump (-38 from females versus -7 favorability from male respondents) and the GOP (-16 from girls and +2 from boys), while also much warmer toward the Democratic Party (+13 from girls and -5 from boys).

Trump鈥檚 macho stylings and media omnipresence play a crucial role in expanding the rift. Lily remarked that he has become an inescapable figure, whether in school or on social media. If anything, the president鈥檚 ubiquity was actually heightened by his reelection defeat in 2020, which lengthened his time in the spotlight.

“He’s so loud, with all the scandalous things he’s done,鈥� she said. 鈥淵ou can avoid the news, but you can’t avoid him.”

Another participant in the NSLC鈥檚 Georgetown session was Cate, a junior enrolled at a small private school in Louisville, Kentucky. Like Lily, she said she was motivated by societal injustice to become involved in politics. Her father is gay, and his experiences were part of what spurred her to activism. 

But whether engaged in private discussions with friends or public outreach through her school鈥檚 Human Rights Club, Cate felt frustrated by her male classmates鈥� lack of interest in the politics of Kentucky or the wider world.

She expressed particular disappointment with boys in her school who, she suspected, held views similar to hers but would not voice them out of fear of losing face with friends who 鈥渋dolize鈥� Trump鈥檚 brash manner. The gush of on platforms like TikTok helped foster a hero worship that was difficult to puncture.

It was understandable that young men would seek to emulate a powerful personality, Cate said, specifically citing the 2024 assassination attempt against Trump in Butler, Pennsylvania. The moment after that attack, when the then-candidate rose to his feet and exhorted his audience to 鈥渇ight,鈥� has become a centerpiece of at teenage boys, she said. Yet his influence heightened a dynamic in which 鈥渆mpathy is seen by this generation of men as weak, feminine.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

鈥淚t gets into all this misogyny,鈥� she lamented. 鈥淏ut women, who don’t care about that and can be empathetic loudly, are more able to share their political opinions.”

鈥榃here am I in this equation?鈥�

Girls were not alone in observing the stridency of gender conflict. Nor were self-described progressives the only ones to complain about its occasionally personal nature. 

Nathan, a junior from the prosperous suburban enclave of Westfield, New Jersey, struck a note of bemusement when describing an of the online right: left-leaning white women, a category encompassing many of the students he鈥檇 met that week at Georgetown. 

鈥淭here’s a stereotype that liberal white women are self-hating,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd supposedly it’s not feminine, and it’s not attractive, and it’s not manly if you support it.鈥�

Voluble and direct, Nathan described himself as a 鈥渞ight-winger,鈥� one of the few participating in the program. But he professed no admiration for political harangues mingled with sexism, and he objected to the treatment suffered by some of his gay classmates at home, who he said were frequently mocked in private. 

Instead, along with several other male students, he spent much of an hour-long conversation with 社区黑料 lampooning the fixation of social authorities 鈥� including his school鈥檚 leaders 鈥� with identity politics. A multitude of perceived sins drew their attention, including the proliferation of various 鈥渉eritage months鈥� across the school calendar and the alleged maligning of the Founding Fathers in history curricula. The most annoying of these were dismissed as 鈥渧irtue signalling.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

Many politically engaged young men share Nathan鈥檚 perspective on the newfound prominence of equity-focused language and policies. 

This is, in fact, a key distinction between male and female Zoomers. According to , Gen Z men and their Millennial counterparts were only about half as likely as women to 鈥渃losely follow鈥� news coverage of social issues. And while the rising salience of such causes, including LGBT rights and abortion, have clearly played a role in politically activating many American women, they do not appear to have galvanized men to support Democratic candidates.

Catalist鈥檚 overview of the election results shows that both men and women became more likely to vote Republican between 2020 and 2024, but the gender gap across all ages was principally driven by men abandoning the Democratic Party. 

Monty, a junior from deep-blue San Diego, said that students attending his private high school were 鈥渆xtremely left,鈥� and typically surrounded by friends and family members of the same mindset. A strong impulse to activism also pervaded the halls, he added, attracting a number of his peers to Pride marches and No Kings rallies over the past year.

As Monty described it, the somewhat airless ideology of his school mirrored that of the larger progressive movement: Just as he鈥檇 periodically felt isolated during a long stretch of school assemblies commemorating the historic contributions of women and minority groups, a groundswell of 鈥渟tranded people鈥� were successfully targeted by the Trump campaign .

鈥淵ou have all these other groups represented, and then you have a generation of these young white males saying, ‘Okay, where am I in this equation? Because I’m not Black, I’m not a woman, I’m not LGBTQ, and I don’t know where I’m going to fit into this,’鈥� Monty said.

Rachel Janfaza is an independent researcher who writes the newsletter , which aims to surface the attitudes of Gen Z for a national audience by convening focus groups and listening sessions around the United States. In an interview, she said Democrats had 鈥渇umbled鈥� in 2024 with a critical group of potential male supporters.

鈥淚 don’t think the Republican Party necessarily set out to attract young men from the start, but the Democratic Party being so coded as being friendly to women made it hard for young men to see themselves in that party,鈥� Janfaza said. 鈥淎 lot of the men I spoke to who voted for Trump in 2024 felt like they were still not being messaged to by the Democratic Party.鈥�

鈥楾his system doesn鈥檛 benefit us鈥�

Part of the difficulty in communicating to Gen Z is the fact that, beneath the level of partisan affiliation, perceptions of society and gender often differ significantly. 

Nowhere is this clearer than in the respective views of men and women toward feminism, a cause that has since the 1960s. Women have always been more keen than men to accept the label of 鈥渇eminist,鈥� but showed that over half of male Millennials said the term fit them personally; that figure was actually higher than the proportion of women from preceding generations who agreed with the description.

Yet far fewer of the youngest male respondents agreed. Zoomer men were only as likely as those in Gen X 鈥� a group more than twice their age 鈥� to call themselves feminists. Between that striking reversion and the leap in self-described feminism among younger women, Gen Z saw the widest gender gap on the issue of any age cohort. 

In the same survey, 23% of Gen Z men said they had experienced gender-based discrimination, a nearly fourfold increase over the oldest men included in the sample. Women are also increasingly likely to express this belief, with half of all Gen Z females saying they鈥檇 been discriminated against (compared with just 38% of Boomer women). 

Some fear that such sharp departures on fundamental questions will foment mutual resentment. Nathan, the New Jersey high schooler, said that boys his age were becoming embittered by a lack of recognition from the political left. In particular, he said that white males could be alienated from the Democratic Party in the same way that African Americans in the 20th century. 

鈥淚 think a similar situation is happening with young white men,鈥� Nathan said. 鈥淭hey’re like, ‘This system, this establishment, doesn’t benefit us in any way. We have no stake in maintaining it.'” 

Meanwhile, dramatic developments in the political realm can leave residue in the social one. The interpersonal relations of men and women are under greater strain than at any time in the past few decades, epitomized by exploring romantic relationships. While almost 90% of high school seniors reported that they鈥檇 gone out on at least one date in 1987, according to a recent poll by the Institute for Family Studies, only about half said the same in 2024. 

Competing partisanship seems to be at least partially responsible for the decline. In a by NPR and PBS News, 60% of Zoomers agreed that it was 鈥渋mportant to date or marry someone who shared your political views鈥�; by contrast, 62% of respondents aged 60 or older said that politics didn鈥檛 carry much weight in matters of the heart. A published last year on the American dating scene found that fully three-quarters of single women with a college degree said they would think twice before dating a Trump supporter.

Campbell, the Maine social studies teacher, said she had seen both sides of the dichotomy in her high school class. Girls are increasingly hesitant to pair off, or even socialize, with male classmates. Boys jokingly attack one another as “simps” 鈥� a slang term for men desperate for the attention of women 鈥� and have become “much more likely to push back” in class discussions of gender differences.

鈥淭here is almost a defensiveness in their attitude, as if I am trying to tell them they aren鈥檛 important and girls are,鈥� Campbell wrote. 鈥淚t is genuinely a shift that is concerning to me.鈥�

Lily, who now attends high school in State College, Pennsylvania, didn鈥檛 address her dating life. But she opined that the apparently right-wing outlook expressed by some boys may simply reflect their wish to fit in 鈥� an instinct with which she sympathized.

“The same way we find ourselves in social situations where we’re pressured to join some clique, that’s present in our political positions too,鈥� she said. 鈥淎nd guys experience that too. I just think they’re better at hiding it.”

What comes next?

Neither students, teachers, nor researchers could guess whether the gender gap would reverse with time or continue to grow.

In his sixth year in office, young women haven鈥檛 relented in their loathing for Donald Trump. In fact, it might be said that American women and the Democratic Party have , both measurably more feminist, more liberal, and more credentialed than they were a generation ago. According to Gallup data, is now a college-educated woman.

On the other hand, it is far from clear whether a sufficiently large number of today鈥檚 high school boys will reverse course and embrace the Democratic candidate in 2028. A of the semi-annual Yale Youth Poll showed that 68% of voters aged 18鈥�22 disapprove of Trump鈥檚 performance in office, a four-point increase since the previous fall; still, men in that age range actually became less favorable toward the Democrats during that same five-month span.

If national Republicans hope that disenchantment brings them an army of converts, they may find themselves disappointed. AEI鈥檚 Cox said the evidence from most polling and election results shows only that young men have become hostile toward Democrats 鈥� not that they have become doctrinaire conservatives.

鈥淚’m not even sure they like the Republicans that much, honestly,鈥� Cox said. 鈥淚t’s not so much that they’re attracted to the whole GOP agenda 鈥� it’s that, between the two parties, they’re looking at which one seems more receptive to the concerns they have.鈥�

Asher, visiting NLSC鈥檚 summer program from Pennsylvania鈥檚 solid-blue Delaware County, said he would have voted for the Democratic ticket in 2024 had he been old enough. The measured junior particularly came to admire Tim Walz after he was selected as Harris鈥檚 vice-presidential pick. 

Yet he critiqued the way in which the party sought to woo men as 鈥減andering,鈥� including launched to rally 鈥淲hite Dudes for Harris,鈥� and Walz鈥檚 . (The Minnesota governor later disclosed that he saw his ability to 鈥溾�� as one of his major contributions to the campaign.) 

Nathan recalled an episode that saw Walz join Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in streamed on the popular service Twitch. “They had the most artificial attempts to win over men,鈥� he marveled. 鈥淭im Walz and AOC playing video games, and you could tell they weren’t actually playing. No one related to that!”

Asher 鈥� happy to number himself among the relatively scarce white dudes for Harris, albeit one without a vote 鈥� said he hadn鈥檛 personally felt excluded from political debates with left-leaning classmates, but acknowledged that such conversations sometimes hinged on participants鈥� personal 鈥渃redibility鈥� to speak on specific issues. 

鈥淚 have seen that happen with people: ‘You don’t have female genitals, so you don’t get to have an opinion about abortion,’鈥� he said.

The Up and Up鈥檚 Janfaza said that similar complaints are a hallmark of her listening sessions with college undergraduates. Many feel as though their sentiments, goals and desires are so diffuse that they are 鈥渢alking past each other.鈥�&苍产蝉辫;

鈥淲hen I ask young men and women, ‘Do you see a gender divide in your community?鈥� they are so quick to tell me that they feel men and women are on different playing fields,鈥� she said. 鈥淭his isn’t fun for anyone.” 

An overhaul of Indiana鈥檚 public K-12 school accountability ratings will take effect despite objections from Attorney General Todd Rokita, who criticized the new system as diluting the importance of academic proficiency.

Rokita and Gov. Mike Braun signed off on the State Board of Education rule this month, concluding a multiyear effort by lawmakers to rewrite Indiana鈥檚 high school graduation and accountability requirements.

Braun on Wednesday brushed off Rokita鈥檚 criticism of the revised A-F ratings, which formally take effect for the 2026-27 school year.

A look at the new A-F model

The Board of Education the new statewide A-F model in March.

The new system assigns points to each student rather than using schoolwide averages and standardized test scores.

These student scores are based on academic proficiency, growth and other success indicators, which are then averaged within elementary, middle and high school grade bands and combined into the overall A-F grade assigned to each school.

Education officials praised the changes for better reflecting student progress, literacy and post-graduation readiness in place of the 鈥渁ll-or-nothing鈥� model of the past.

The new approach mirrors changes to Indiana鈥檚 high school diplomas and diploma seals.

A school鈥檚 graduation rate and SAT performance each account for 10% of its score, combined with other measures like coursework, credentials, work-based learning and student engagement.

The state will calculate and publicly release letter grades under the new system for the 2025-26 school year, but will not take action against poorly rated schools during the transition year.

The rule is now final following signatures from Rokita and Braun on May 1.

Rokita argues new system blunts accountability

Rokita again raised concerns about the new accountability metrics in a letter to Braun this month, citing Board of Education metrics revealing few schools will be rated as D or F schools despite poor academic proficiency.

Thirty-three percent of Hoosier students in grades 3-8 are proficient in both English language arts and math on the state鈥檚 standardized exams, while fewer than one in four high school students meet SAT proficiency benchmarks, yet few schools will receive low ratings, Rokita wrote in the letter provided to the Indiana Capital Chronicle.

鈥淯nder any system driven by academic performance, these proficiency rates would be expected to produce far more low-rated schools,鈥� he wrote. 鈥淭hey do not.鈥�

Rokita served as chairman of the subcommittee on K-12 education in the U.S. House of Representatives before his election as attorney general.

In his letter to Braun, Rokita criticized the Indiana Department of Education for not making its internal modeling public during the rulemaking process, writing the 鈥渟urprisingly high number of schools鈥� with higher-than-expected ratings is by design.

鈥淚n the extreme, a school where all students are fully proficient and a school where no students are proficient could receive the same rating if the nonproficient students satisfy various nonacademic indicators,鈥� he wrote.

The Board of Education made revisions to the rule earlier this year to satisfy Rokita鈥檚 objections.

While those revisions satisfied his legal review, Rokita wrote he remains concerned the new system fails to accurately reflect student proficiency, which in turn could undermine the state鈥檚 school choice reforms.

He urged Braun to direct the Board of Education to reconsider its approach.

鈥淚f Indiana鈥檚 A-F system is to remain credible and transparent, it should clearly distinguish between schools where students meet those standards and those where they do not,鈥� he wrote. 鈥淚n practice, the Rule will likely not accomplish this task.鈥�

Asked Wednesday about Rokita鈥檚 objections, Braun stood by Education Secretary Katie Jenner and the Board of Education.

鈥淚鈥檓 going to trust the secretary of education, the boards that weigh into it,鈥� Braun told reporters. 鈥淎nd to me, I鈥檓 always going to error on the side of more accountability, not less.鈥�

is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Indiana Capital Chronicle maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Niki Kelly for questions: info@indianacapitalchronicle.com.

It was also the kind of video that makes many teachers think, 鈥淭hat鈥檚 amazing 鈥� and there is absolutely no way I can do that.鈥�

Most educators are not looking for one more performance to add to their day. They are already managing lesson plans, behavior, parent communication, paperwork, staff meetings, substitute shortages and the emotional weight of trying to meet every student鈥檚 needs. So when 鈥済reet students at the door鈥� gets presented as another big, elaborate thing, it can feel unrealistic.

But the real power of a doorway greeting is not in the choreography.

It is in the connection.

I have seen this moment matter from preschool classrooms to high school hallways. After years of working with students and schools as a social worker, district administrator and consultant, I鈥檝e learned that the ages and settings may change, but the need is remarkably consistent: Students want to know that someone is glad they are there.

Research suggests that this small routine can make a measurable difference. classrooms where teachers greeted students at the door saw a 20 percentage point increase in academic engagement and a 9 percentage point decrease in disruptive behavior. The researchers estimated that this kind of increase in engagement could add roughly an extra hour of engagement across a five-hour instructional day.

That is a significant return on a very small investment.

The beginning of class is one of the most important transitions of the school day. Students are moving from the hallway, cafeteria, playground or another classroom into a learning environment. They may be carrying noise, conflict, anxiety, excitement, frustration or unfinished conversations with them. The first few minutes of class can quickly become a scramble: students talking over each other, wandering, negotiating, arguing, sharpening pencils, asking what they missed or waiting to see how much the teacher will tolerate before stepping in.

A doorway greeting sets the tone before students cross the threshold.

The good news is that the most effective greetings in the research were not complicated and did not require special dance moves. The essentials are: Teachers used the student鈥檚 name. They made eye contact. They offered a brief nonverbal greeting 鈥� a handshake, fist bump, high five, nod or wave. Then they added a short positive or 鈥減re-corrective鈥� statement, which is simply a friendly reminder of what to do next.

That might sound like:

鈥淕ood morning, Jayden. I鈥檓 glad you鈥檙e here. Take a look at the warm-up on the board.鈥�

鈥淗i, Maria. Good to see you. Grab your notebook and start with question one.鈥�

鈥淲elcome back, Marcus. Today is a fresh start. I鈥檓 glad you鈥檙e here because we鈥檙e going to learn about those volcanoes you were asking about.鈥�

There is nothing flashy about it. But it is powerful because it combines connection and structure.

That combination matters.

Too often, schools treat relationships and expectations as if they are competing priorities. Some educators worry that a focus on relationships means being permissive. Others worry that a focus on expectations means being rigid or punitive. But students need both. They need to know that adults care about them, and they need to know what is expected.

A doorway greeting brings those two needs together in a practical way.

From a behavioral perspective, it is a predictable routine that explicitly teaches and reinforces expected behavior. Students know how to enter, where to look, what to start and how the class begins. That predictability lowers stress for students and teachers.

From a restorative practices perspective, it is a relationship-building habit. It communicates belonging. It gives teachers a daily opportunity to notice students before there is a problem. It allows a teacher to quietly repair after a difficult day, offer encouragement to a student who struggled yesterday or simply communicate, 鈥淵ou matter here. I see you and I鈥檓 glad you鈥檙e here.鈥�

And from a classroom management perspective, it is prevention.

Teachers know that once a class begins in chaos, it can take a long time to recover. A calm, consistent start protects instructional time. It also reduces the need for repeated corrections once students are inside the room.

This practice becomes even more powerful when it is adopted schoolwide. I have seen schools make a community agreement for everyone to stand at their doors during passing periods or arrival time. The effect was immediate. Hallways felt calmer. Students were more connected to adults. Minor misbehavior decreased because adults were present, visible and welcoming. The whole building felt different. 

And something unexpected happened, too: Teachers began connecting with one another. They smiled and waved across the hall, offered words of encouragement, shared a quick joke and reminded one another, in small but meaningful ways, that they were in this together.

Of course, implementation matters. Doorway greetings should be simple, sustainable and adaptable. Teachers can choose a greeting style that fits their personality and their students. Some may use a fist bump. Some may use a warm verbal greeting. Some may offer students a choice: wave, elbow bump, peace sign or no-contact greeting. The point is not the gesture itself. The point is consistent positive contact paired with a clear start-of-class direction.

School leaders also have a role to play. If they want teachers greeting students at the door, they can model it themselves. They can be present, visible and engaged with students and staff during passing periods. That kind of modeling communicates that connection is not one more classroom management trick. It is part of the culture.

The best strategies in schools are often not the most complicated ones. They are the ones that are easy to repeat, grounded in research and aligned with what students and teachers actually need.

Greeting students at the door will not solve every behavior challenge. It will not replace strong instruction, meaningful relationships, clear routines or effective support systems. But it is one small practice that brings all of those ideas together. And when a routine becomes a habit, it becomes easier to sustain.

Two minutes at the door can say: You are welcome here. We are ready to learn. I see you. Let鈥檚 begin again.

For many students, that may be exactly the connection moment they need.